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Showing posts with label speech of sardar vallabhbhai patel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label speech of sardar vallabhbhai patel. Show all posts

Karamsad

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Monday, December 11, 2017

કરમસદ પ્રત્યે મારો સ્નેહ...



એક સવાલ મારા મન માં સદાય હતો કે જ્યારે સરદાર પટેલ આઝાદી ની લડત લડતા હતા અને સ્વતંત્ર ભારત ને નવો આકાર આપતા હતા ત્યારે કરમસદ ગામ માં શું પ્રવ્રુતિઓ ચાલી રહી હતી? આ સવાલ નો જવાબ શોધતા મને જે વિગતો પ્રાપ્ત થઈ એમાં કરમસદ ગામનો મારા જન્મ પહેલાંનો ઈતિહાસ આટલો રસપ્રદ હશે એ મે કદીએ વિચાર્યુ નહોતું, માનવી ની ઉત્સુકતા જ માનવી ને કાંઇક કરવાની પ્રેરણા આપે છે. આપણા પુર્વજો એ કેટકેટલા સદકરમ કર્યા એટલે જ કદાચ આ ગામનું પહેલાં થી જ નામ કરમસદ છે, જે સદાય સદ કરમ કરવા ની પ્રેરણા આપતું હતું, છે અને રહેશે….

કરમસદ ગામે ભારતના જગવિખ્યાત રાજ પુરુષો અને અનન્ય દેશભક્તો સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વિઠ્ઠલભાઈ પટેલ અને સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ જેઓને આપણે સરદાર પટેલના નામે જાણીએ જ છીએ. આ જ ગામની દિકરી સદા આદરણીય શ્રીમતી મણીબેન પટેલ કે જેમણે પોતાના પિતાની દેશભક્તિ અને દેશદાઝ માટે પોતાના જીવન ની આહુતી પિતાના ચરણોમાં આર્પી, કરમસદ ગામના જ શ્રી બાબુભાઈ પટેલ જેઓનું આપણે બાબુભાઈ શહીદ સ્મારક કરમસદના જુના બજાર પાસે બનાવેલ છે. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે રાષ્ટ્રીય ચળવળમાં પણ પોતાનો ખુબજ મોટો ફાળો આપેલ છે.

કરમસદ ગ્રામ પંચાયત ની સ્થાપના ૨૫-૧૨-૧૯૪૦ ના રોજ કરવા માં આવેલ જે “અ” વર્ગ ની ગ્રામ પંચાયત તરીકે સ્થાપાયેલ, જે આજે નગરપાલિકા બની છે. ૧૯૫૪ માં કરમસદ નું ક્ષેત્રફળ ૬.૧ ચો. માઈલ, ઘરો : ૨૧૮૫, કુટુંબ : ૨૩૮૫ અને વસ્તી માં પુરુષો : ૬૩૭૨, સ્ત્રી : ૪૬૪૬ એમ કુલ ૧૮૦૧૮ હતી. આણંદ – ખંભાત ની રેલ્વે લાઈન ઉપર્નું આણંદ પછીનું સ્ટેશન. ગામ નાં ઘણાં લોકો દેશનાં મોટા શહેરોમાં અને પરદેશ ખાસ કરીને પુર્વ આફ્રિકા માં વસતા હતા અને આર્થિક રીતે સધ્ધર હતા, છે અને રહેશે.

ગામમાં લાખિયો કુવો, ખારો કુવો, રબારી નો કુવો અને મોટો કુવો એ મુખ્ય અને મોટા કુવા હતા, તે સિવાય નાની કુઈઓ પણ ઘણી હતી, આજે આ કયા સ્વરુપ માં છે તે મને ખબર નથી. એ વખતે શ્રી જશભાઈ જીવાભાઈ પટેલ પોતાનું ખાનગી વોટર વર્ક્સ ગામમાં ચલાવતા, ગ્રામપંચાયત તરફથી નવુ મોટું વોટર વર્ક્સ કરવાની યોજના કરવામાં આવેલ. સરદાર પટેલના સ્વપ્ન વલ્લભ વિધ્યાનગર ઉભું કરવા માટે કરમસદ ગામ ના લોકો એ પોતાની જમીનો ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ હતી. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે ઉદ્યોગિકરણ અને યુવાનનો ને રોજગારી મળે તે માટે જરૂરી જમીન વિઠ્ઠલ ઉદ્યોગનગર માટે આપેલ, તથા આરોગ્ય – તબીબી સેવા માટે જમીનની જરૂર પડતા કરમસદ ગામે પોતાની જમીનો ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ જે આજે શ્રી ક્રિષ્ના હોસ્પિટલ / ચારૂતર આરોગ્ય મંડળ તરીકે જાણીતી બની છે અને આ જમીનો આપવા માટે મુખ્ય ઉદ્દેશ સમાજ તથા આવનાર પેઢીને મદદરૂપ બનવા માટેનો જ હતો. ગામ માં ૧૯૫૧થી એક દવાખાનું ચાલે છે અને આ દવાખાનાનું મકાન શ્રી પુનમભાઈ નરસિંહ ભાઈ પટેલે તથા પ્રસુતી ગ્રુહનું મકાન શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ હાથીભાઈ પટેલે બંધાવેલ. જેને આપણે સ્ટેશન રોડ ઉપર આવેલ સરકારી દવાખાના તરીકે ઓળખીએ છીએ. શ્રી ઠાકોરભાઈ પટેલ (વૈધ) કરમસદ બસ સ્ટેંડ પાસે બાલ મંદિર નું મકાન પણ બંધાવેલ છે. જેને આજે આપણે જુનું બાલમંદીર પણ કહીએ છે.

સરદાર વલ્લભાઈ પટેલ હાઇસ્કુલ શ્રી સોમાભાઈ મીઠાભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી અંબાલાલ હાથીભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી મણીભાઈ બાબરભાઈ પટેલ ના વડીલ પરિવાર દ્વારા ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક બંધવામાં દાન આપેલ અને નાની નાની રકમ નું દાન કરવામાં પણ ટુકડે ટુકડે સવલત અનુસાર આપવા ની વ્યવસ્થા કરેલ જે કરમસદ કેળવણી મંડળ ના જુના વાર્ષિક આહેવાલો થી પણ માલુમ પડે છે.

૧૯૫૪ થી આજ દિન સુધી કુમાર શાળા અને કન્યા શાળા અલગ અલગ ચાલે છે. તેમાં કન્યાશાળા સંવત ૨૦૦૩માં ગામ નાં શ્રી ત્રિભોવનદાસભાઈ ખુશાલભાઈ પટેલ અને તેઓના ભાઈ શ્રી કાશીભાઈ પટેલ અને શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ પટેલ એ તેમના કાકી શ્રીમતી સાકરબાના સ્મર્ણાર્થે રૂપિયા ૧,૩૫,૦૦૦=૦૦ ના ખર્ચે તળાવ ઉપર “પાટીદાર નિવાસ” (ધર્મશાળા) બંધાવેલ જે આજે સાકરબા કન્યાશાળા ના નામે ઓળખાય છે, અને એ વખતે કુમારશાળા નું મકાન સાકડું હોવાથી બીજા મકાનો પણ ભાડે રાખી ને પણ ગામ ના સંતાનો ને ભણવા માટે સગવડ કરી આપેલ, ભણતર ની સાથે સાથે પુસ્તકાલય પણ જરૂરી છે અને આ માટે શ્રી શિવાભાઈ દાદાભાઈ પટેલ એ મકાન બંધાવી આપેલ જેનું નામ “વિદ્યાર્થી સમાજ પુસ્તકાલય” તરીકે આજે પણ જાણીતું છે. જેમાં છાપા ઉપરાંત ૭૦૦૦ જેટલા પુસ્તકો પણ ૧૯૫૪ દરમ્યાન હતાં.

આજ કાલ ખાનગી બસ સેવા આણંદ થી કરમસદ ચાલે છે તથા બીજા અન્ય સ્થળો માટે પણ ચાલે છે, પરંતુ કદાચ અપણે નહિ જાણતા હોઈએ કે આ ખાનગી બસ સેવા ની શરુઆત વર્ષ ૧૯૫૪ પહેલા કરમસદ થી આણંદ જવા ખાનગી બસ સર્વિસ ચાલતી હતી જેમાં એક બસ ખાસ વલ્લભ વિદ્યાનગર વિધ્યાર્થી ઓ ને લેવા-મુકવા ની વ્યવસ્થા પણ હતી.. આપ સમજી શકો છો કે કરમસદ ના લોકો ની દિર્ગદ્રષ્ટી કેટલી હતી અને જે પોતાની આગવી બસ સર્વિસ એ જમાના માં ચલાવતું હતું. અને આજે આપણા જ ગામના પાટીદાર ના વિચારો નું કોઈ એ અનુકરણ કરે તો તે બાબતે હું પોતે તો ગર્વ અનુભવું છું અને આવું જ ભવિષ્ય માં પણ થવું જોઈએ.



સમય, શક્તિ, ધન, બુધ્ધિ, દરેક રીતે ગામ અને સમાજ ને સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે મદદરૂપ થાય તે બધાને દાતા કહી શકાય… એ જમાનામાં ટેક્નોલોજીનો અભાવ / ઉપયોગ પણ નહી થતો હોય, જો આમ છતાં વડિલો તથા મહાનુભાવોએ કરી બતાવ્યુ તો આપણે તો આજ ની યુવા પેઢી ટેક્નોલોજી સાથે બહુજ સારી રીતે માહિત્ગાર છે તો આપણે કરમસદ માટે તો કાંઈક એવા કાર્યો કરી જ શકીએ કે જેથી કરીને આપણા મા-બાપ, આવનારી નવી યુવા પેઢી, ગામ અને સૌથી ઉપર સમાજ પણ ગૌરવ અનુભવશે.

એવું નથી કે કરમસદમાં કદીએ મુશ્કેલીઓ નથી આવી પરંતુ કરમસદ સદાય એ મુશ્કેલીઓ નો સામનો કરી ને કરમસદે સદાય પોતાની આગવી ઓળખ ઉભી કરી છે અને ભવિષ્યમાં પણ કરશે…

ભુતકાળ ના અનુભવો થી વર્તમાન જીવવા થી ભવિષ્ય સદાય ઉજ્જ્વળ બને છે એવુ મારુ મનવું છે.

આ સિવાય ગામ ના કોઇ મહાન કે પ્રતિષ્ઠિત વ્યક્તિ / વડીલ નું નામ મારા થી ધ્યાન બહાર ગયેલ હોય તો પુત્ર / મિત્ર સમજી માફ કરજો અને ઈરાદપુર્વક નથી તેની હું ખાત્રી આપું છું. તથા હું માનું છુ કે મે કોઇ સ્વર્ગસ્થ વડિલ કે મહાનુભાવના નામ ની આગળ સ્વ. નથી કહેલ એનું એકજ કારણ કે દરેકે દરેક સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે આપણી વચ્ચે કે આપણા હ્ર્દય માં સદા જીવંત છે, હતાં અને રહેશે.

સરદાર પટેલ અમર રહો..

MUNICH AGREEMENT or POLITICAL BLACKMAIL?

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Saturday, December 9, 2017

The idea of calling upon all Congress Provincial Government to resign because the Thakore of Rajkot has not conformed to his undertaking with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel or because the authorities at Jaipur do not want the presence of Mr. Jamnalal Bajaj within their borders, recalls the delightful Elia Essay about the Chinaman who first discovered that pork was a delicacy. Neither of these potentates is under any obligation to acknowledge the excellence of parliamentary government as the panacea for all the ills they and their subjects are suffering from. The Viceroy, no doubt, is anxious to have the provincial part of the Government of India Act to continue to function under their present Governments as it provides the strongest argument in favour of and the best hope for the acceptance of the Federal part. But there is a limit beyond which he can not go even for this purpose. Otherwise, it would be better to scrap the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole administration, British India and the States, to the Congress hierarchy. The wobbling methods of the Government of India have created confusion all round. The are unfair both to the States and to British India outside the Congress. They are unfair to the Congress also. Though the leaders do not seem to realise it the position of the Congress in the light of the frequent appeals to the Viceroy for intervention is exactly that of Indian States which also look to him for protection. Unless there is a "Munich Agreement" between Lord Linlithgow and Gandhiji, these frequent calls upon his powers as Crown representative to intervene at the threat of withdrawing the Congress ministries from eight provinces looks unpleasantly like political blackmail. One advantage of Mr. Subhash Bose's taking over control of the Congress would be to get rid of the camouflage which obscures the real issues of politics at the present day.


Source : Indian Social Reformer - 11-02-1939

THE RAJKOT IMBROGLIO

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Friday, December 8, 2017

The Public have now before it the correspondence in the shortlived Rajkot revolution between the Thakore and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, between Mr. Patel and Sir P. Caddell, Gandhiji's statement thereon and the Government of India's communique dealing with Gandhiji's demand that the Government should interfere and call upon the Thakore to carry out his undertaking to Sardar Patel. It will be difficult for the impartial historian perusing these documents, say, fifty years hence, to conclude that the Sardar or Gandhiji comes out best in the controversy. it will be equally difficult for him to avoid concluding that Sir Patrick Cadell is the one party in the correspondence who has acted with perfect candour and loyalty to the Thakore Sahib who engaged him as Chief Minister. The Thakore Sahib avows that his object in taking on Sir Patrick was that he should put down the agitation of his subject. Sir Patrick Cadell when he came into office and looked into the grievances of the people, found that there were just causes for them and that the Thakore Sahib, his master, has been very neglectful in the discharge of his duties as ruler of the State. He told the Thakore Sahib this and exhorted him to devote more attention to the affairs of the State and be more accessible to his subjects. The Thakore did not like this plan speaking. He, in fact, resented it and dispensed with the Dewan's services on the plea that so long as he was in Rajkot the people will look up to him and not to himself, their ruler, as the fountain of power. The Resident had to intervene at this stage and to remind the Thakore that the Government of India had approved of the appointment of Sir Patrick on the distinct understanding that it will last for a term of not less than six months. The Thakore, thereupon, withdrew his order. At the same time he opened negotiations with Sardar Patel and he reached an agreement with him apparently without the knowledge and certainly without consent of his responsible Minister. This agreement enabled him to oust Sir Patrick from his office and to bring back the old Dewan. The Thakore rejected some of the Sardar's nominees to the Committee on constitutional reform and appointed others on the ground that minority rights were ignored by the Sardar. GAndhiji at this stage came out with his call on the Government of India to compel the Thakore to accept the Sardar's nominees. That Government , to be fair has shown itself willing to help him whenever it can as in the Orissa Governorship. But it has to maintain appearances at least in its dealings with States. The call made upon it to overrule the Thakore, argued Gandhiji, was not a call for intervention. We do not know what else it is. The Government has in a closely reasoned statement shown that it cannot possibly comply with Gandhiji's invitation, much as it would have been happy to do so could it have done so. We must record our emphatic protest against the venerable and venerated person of Mr. Kasturba Gandhi being dragged into this sordid agitation.

SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - NOVEMBER 23, 1946

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Friday, December 1, 2017


In moving a resolution relating to the Interim Government Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explained the difficulties that stood in the way of the Central Government's intervention in Provincial matters, such as the Calcutta and Noakhali disturbances. He declared that he had warned Bengal's leaders who saw him after the Calcutta riots that East Bengal was bound to be the next scene of trouble. He told them "If you want independence you must learn to defend yourselves and your neighbours and other helpless people. You should not run to the army or the police for protection."
Replying to critics who spoke or non-violence and avoidance of civil strife Sardar Patel reiterated his conviction that the sword must be met by the sword. Mahatma Gandhi said it was better to use violence than to be a coward. Non-violence was a weapon which it was beyond the power of ordinary men to use, and, therefore, Sardar Patel urged people to adopt violence in self-defence and only in self-defence, or in defence of neighbours. He gave this advice because the present Central Government during the transference of power was in a state of paralysis. 

VANDE MATARAM


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SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - JULY 6th, 1948

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Thursday, November 30, 2017


Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel seconding the resolution said that the resolution covered the two statements by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy of May 16 and June 16. The Working Committee had accepted the Mission's proposals contained in their statement of May 16 but rejected the Provisional Government proposal contained in their statement of June 16.
Making it clear that the resolution just moved by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad could not be amended in any manner Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel said, "WE PLACE THIS RESOLUTION BEFORE THE HOUSE FOR RATIFICATION. EITHER YOU ACCEPT IT OR REJECT IN TOTO."
"Four Parties, the Cabinet Mission, the Congress, the Muslim League and the Indian Princes, have accepted the constitutional plau envisaged in the State Paper issued by the Cabinet Mission on May 16. All vital details connected with the negotiations have been fully published. You are aware the Muslim League first accepted the May 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission. We deferred our decision until the full picture was available to us, namely, of the Constituent Assembly and the Interim Provisional Government. The Interim Government plan was published in the June 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy. We decided to reject this proposal as it did not accord with our demands. We however decided to accept the Constituent Assembly scheme contained in the May 10 statement. We have made it clear to the Cabinet Mission that the proposed Constituent Assembly will not prove a success if a responsible, representative Provisional Government at the Centre is not established soon. They have made it clear that the Care-taker Government will be there only for a few days. 
Consistent with the existing circumstances we have secured the widest franchise possible for the election to the Constituent Assembly. The most dangerous proposal in the Constituent Assembly scheme is the one relating to Grouping. Our interpretation of the relevant paragraph in the State Paper is that the provinces are free to decide at the initial stage whether they wish to join a particular Group in which they have been placed. No province can be compelled to join any Group against its own wishes. 
The difficulty about Europeans participating in the voting to the Constituent Assembly election has been practically overcome. We have thus secured a Constituent Assembly almost on the lines we have demanded all these years. Furthermore, under the proposed scheme the transfer of power from British to Indian hands will be smooth and peaceful. It is therefore, our conviction that we should take advantage of the scheme and not plunge the country in struggle.
At the very commencement of our negotiations with the Cabinet Delegation we made it clear to them that we could talk to them only on the basis of a free and independent India. The British Cabinet Mission accepted this and made it clear that their acceptance of our demand was without any reservation. In the face of such assurance it is difficult for us not to believe them.
We have also made sure that there shall be one undivided India with one Central Government. What the shape of that Central Government will be, is a matter for the Constituent Assembly to decide. The Muslim League sees germs of Pakistan in the scheme. We see a United India. It is for the Constituent Assembly to decide who is right."
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to the great injustice done to the great Sikh community in the Cabinet Mission's proposals and said that the Sikhs had not been consulted before they were thrown, bound hand and foot, into the "B" Group. Their being put in "B" Group without their consent naturally placed the at a disadvantageous position and therefore they were smarting under the sense of a grievance. Furthermore, the speaker could not see any reason why the Sikhs were not given the same safeguards and communal veto as had been given to the Muslims. He was opposed to all vetoes but once such a veto had been given to the Muslims he could not see the reason why it was refused in the case of the Sikhs. The Sikhs are a brave people and it is unwise to disregard their just demand.
Referring to the Indian States, Sardar Patel welcomed the Cabinet Mission's statement saying that once India was independent there would be no further paramountcy. The Cabinet Mission's statement had made it clear that in future that States rulers would have to look more and more to their own subjects rather than to the Paramount Power if they wanted progress. The question of representation in the Constituent Assembly of States people had not been decided, but he hoped that the Indian princes would provide adequate representation for their people in the Constituent Assembly.
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to numerous telegrams he was daily receiving seeking admission into the Constituent Assembly as delegates and said that this urge, coupled with the unanimous support the nationalist Press had given to the Congress in its decision to accept the proposal, clearly showed the verdict of the country in favour of the Congress Working Committee's decision.

Source : Making of the Indian Constitution 

VANDE MATARAM


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