Sarat Bose tried to cause rift between Sardar Patel and Nehru

Sarat Bose tried to cause rift between Sardar Patel and Nehru

Both Patel and Nehru shared uneasy relationship with Sarat Bose. Sarat Bose tried to cause rift between the two leaders during Tripuri Congress in 1939.

Poona,

6^th October, 1945

My Dear Jawaharlal,
I received your letter of the 1^st instant yesterday afternoon.

Rajkumari Amrit Kaur

Mr. Dharam Yash Dev had written to Bapu and to [Rajkumari] Amrit Kaur about the same matter, and as those letters were referred to me for disposal I had asked him to meet me in Bombay. He met me when we were in Bombay and he impressed me very well indeed. But from his conversation with me I gathered that he has a family and a style of living which is expensive. The ordinary Congress salary will not in my opinion suit him at all. He draws about Rs. 1250 from Dalmia and his father has left him practically nothing. He has therefore to earn his own living. I learn from Amrit Kaur, who knows him intimately, that his wife is a society girl of expensive habits and she would not like that he should join the Congress office. But she has very good opinion on him. He has been correspondence with me, but I am not sure whether his style of propaganda would suit us in the election campaign. I agree with you that he has made ample amends for his past mistake and he has also made up with [Acharya J. B.] Kripalani. At present we are confining ourselves to Central Assembly elections propaganda and for that we need not go in for any elaborate plan. But we shall consider when we meet next whether we should employ him for election propaganda in connection with the provincial assembly elections.

You must have received my letter suggesting that you should draft a small election manifesto for the Central Assembly. We have not much time as these elections are to take place next month.

The unfortunate and unnecessary controversy between you and Sarat Bose distressed us here very much. Bapu has written to Sarat about it. He has probably written to you also. I fail to understand why he chose to make such a public attack against Chiang Kai-Shek without having any consultation with you or Bapu. He knows that Congress policy. He must have some purpose behind it. I do not know what grievance he could have against you. I am afraid his re-entry into the Congress will create once again a situation which may not be pleasant for us all. Bapu is going to Bengal in the beginning of next month and he will probably talk to him more freely at that time.

I see that P.C.Joshi has started vigorous propaganda against the Congress for our attitude towards his group. It would have been better if we had expelled them straightway. Our notice has given him a handle to create propaganda here and abroad against us.

The Maharajkumar of Vizianagram had written a letter to Amrit Kaur expressing a desire to stand for the Central Assembly. She has advised him to see you and Pantji [G.B.Pant] in the matter.

Hope you are doing well.

Yours Sincerely,

Vallabhbhai Patel

Renunciation of Sardar Patel

Renunciation of Sardar Patel - સરદાર પટેલનો ત્યાગ

સન ૧૯૨૯ના પ્રવચનો દ્વારા જાણી શકાય કે સરદાર પટેલનો મુખ્ય મુદ્દો જમીન મહેસૂલનો અન્યાયી બોજ હતો, તેમનું માનવુ હતુ કે આ મુદ્દા ઉપર આખા હિંદુસ્તાને સરકાર સામે લડવા તૈયાર કરી શકાશે. સપ્ટેમ્બર ૧૯૨૯ના યંગ ઈંડિયામાં ગાંધીજીએ આ વિષય બાબતે વિસ્તારથી લખેલ છે અને જેમા બારડોલીનું મહત્વ અને સરદારની શક્તિઓની જાણકારી દેશ સમક્ષ મુકી હતી. જેમા તેમણે જણાવ્યુ કે “સરદારની આગેવાની શક્તિઓનો લાભ ઉઠાવી શકે તેવા કેટલા બારડોલી જેવા ગામો છે?” બારડોલીની લડાઈ માટે તૈયાર ખેડુતોએ તાલીમબધ્ધ સેવકોની મદદથી અહિંસાની આ લડતમાં વિજય મેળવ્યો હતો.

કોંગ્રેસના પ્રમુખપદ જેવા મહત્વના સવાલમાં મોતીલાલ નહેરુ પછી કોની વરણી કરવી તેમાં સરદાર પટેલ અને ગાંધીજી વ્યસ્ત બન્યા હતા. સુભાષચંદ્ર બોઝે લખેલ કે “કોંગ્રેસના સભ્યોમાં સરદાર પટેલ અને ગાંધીજી બન્નેમાંથી આ પદ કોને મળવું જોઈએ તે બાબતે અસમંજસ હતી. કેટલાક સભ્યો સરદાર પટેલને આ માન મળવું જોઈએ અને કેટલાક સભ્યો એમ માનતા હતા કે અંગ્રેજો સામેની લડત ગાંધીજીએ લડવાની હતી તેથી આ માન તેમને મળવું જોઈએ. ગાંધીજીને આ માન મળે તેમાં રાજાજી અને ઘણાખરા અંશે સરદાર પટેલ પોતે પણ આ મત ધરાવતા હતા.

સપ્ટેમ્બરના પહેલા સપ્તાહમાં વૈદારણ્ય પરિષદમાં સરદારે કહ્યુ હતુ કે “સહું કોઈ ગાંધીજીને પ્રમુખપદ સોંપવા આતુર છે.” દસ પ્રાંતિક સમિતિઓએ ગાંધીજીના નામની દરખાસ્ત મૂકી હતી અને નવા પ્રમુખ તરીકે ગાંધીજીના નામની જાહેરાત પણ કરી દેવામા આવી હતી. પણ ગાંધીજીએ આ હોદ્દો સ્વીકરવાની સાફ મનાઈ કરી. હવે પાંચ પ્રાંતિક સમિતિઓએ સરદાર વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલના નામની અને ત્રણ પ્રાંતિક સમિતિઓએ જવાહરલાલ નેહરુના નામની દરખાસ્ત કરેલ, હવે પસંદગી આ બન્ને વચ્ચે કરવાની હતી. લખનૌમાં મળેલ કોંગ્રેસ સમિતિની સભામાં ગાંધીજીને તેમના નિર્ણય બાબતે ફરી વિચારવા વિનંતી કરી પરંતુ ગાંધીજી પોતાની વાતને વળગી રહ્યા.

ઉત્તરપ્રદેશના નરેંદ્ર દેવ અને બાલકૃષ્ણ શર્મા જવાહરલાલના યુવાન અને ઉત્સાહી ટેકેદારો હતા. અને તેઓએ વલ્લભભાઈ ઉપર દબાણ કરવાનું શરુ કર્યુ અને જાહેરમાં હવે સરદાર શુ કરશે? સરદાર શુ કહેશે? આ બાબતોને પ્રાધાન્ય આપી ચર્ચા કરવા માંડી. આ સમયે નરેંદ્ર દેવ અને બાલકૃષ્ણએ જે ભાગ ભજવેલ તેની યાદ તાજી કરતા સરદારે આશરે ૧૯ વર્ષ પછી એટલે કે આશરે ૧૯૪૮માં તેમને જવાહરલાલના “ડાઘિયા કુતરા” તરીકે ગણાવ્યા હતા. નરેંદ્ર દેવ ના લખાણ મુજબ ૧૯૨૯માં ઉમેદવારી પાછી ખેચી લેવા માટે સમજાવવા ગાંધીજી માટે કપરો સમય હતો, આ લખાણનો ઉલ્લેખ રાણીએ કરેલ તે સાવ ખોટી રીતે બોમ્બે ક્રોનિકલ ૨૮-૧૯૩૯માં વંચાયો છે. હકીકતમાં આ લખાણ વર્ષ ૧૯૩૬ બાબતે નરેંદ્ર દેવે લખેલ જે ખોટી રીતે વંચાયેલ હોવાતી ૧૯૨૯ માટે ગેર સમજ ઉભી કરે છે. હકીકતમાં તો વર્ષ ૧૯૨૯માં તો સરદાર પટેલે તરત ઉમેદવારી પાછી ખેચી લીધી હતી. અને જવાહરલાલ નેહરુ ૧૯૨૯માં કોંગ્રેસ પ્રમુખ બન્યા હતા.

Narayan Dev

“ડાઘિયા” શબ્દપ્રયોગ ઉપરથી તો સમજી શકાય કે વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલના મનમાં કેટલી કડવાશ હશે. આ કડવાશ શા કારણે છે? તે સમજવા ઘણા કારણો છે. તેમના માટે સૌથી વેદનાકારી કારણ એ હતુ કે જેના માટે થઈને તેમણે ઘરબાર છોડ્યાં, અને દરેક બાબતે જેમનો અભિપ્રાય સર્વોપરી અને મૂલ્યવાન હતો, તે મહાત્મા ગાંધીજીએ તેમની શક્તિઓને ઊતરતી ગણાવી હતી. “ડાઘિયાઓ” જવાહરલાલને ટેકો આપે તે સમજી શકાય પરંતુ ગાંધીજી પોતે જવાહરલાલની વરણી કરે તે તેમના માટે અસહ્ય હતું. માઈકલ બ્રેચરના પુસ્તક નેહરુમાં આ બાબતે ઉલ્લેખ કરેલ છે. અને મોતીલાલ નેહરુ અને માતા સ્વરૂપરાણી ની ખુશીનો તો કોઈ પાર નહોતો. વર્ષને અંતે લાહોર કોંગ્રેસના પ્રમુખપદેથી જવાહરલાલ નહેરુએ કહ્યુ કે “હું ગણતંત્રવાદી છુ અને રાજાઓ અને રાજકુમારોની પરંપરામાં મને જરા પણ શ્રધ્ધા નથી.” સ્વાયત્તની શાસનની બાબતમાં વલ્લભભાઈ જવાહરલાલ કરતા ઓછા ઉગ્ર હતા. તેમ છતા ગણતંત્ર તેમના લોહીમાં વણાઈ ગયેલું. આ ગોળી ઘણી કડવી હતી પરંતુ વલ્લભભાઈએ કોઈપણ આનાકાની વગર ગળે ઉતારી લીધી.

Balkrishna Sharma

ગાંધીજીને અનુસરવાની પોતાની પ્રતિજ્ઞાને કારણે જ વલ્લભભાઈ બધા જ આઘાત અને અણગમાને પોતાના મનમાં ઉગતા પહેલા જ દાબી દીધા. પરંતુ એક વાતથી તો ગાંધીજી, જવાહરલાલ અને બીજા સભ્યો પણ પરિચિત હતા કે ગુજરાતમાં તો ફક્ત પટેલ કહેશે તે જ થશે ખુદ કોંગ્રેસ પ્રમુખ કે ગાંધીજી કહેશે તો પણ નહી ઉપજે. જેમ ૧૯૦૫માં વલ્લભભાઈએ વિઠ્ઠલભાઈ માટે જે ભોગ આપ્યો (બેરિસ્ટર થવા માટે વિલાયત જવાનો) તેમા એક વણલખી શરત હતી તેમ ૧૯૨૯માં તેમણે જવાહરલાલ માટે આપેલ ભોગમાં પણ એક મૂક શરત હતી – ગુજરાતમાં વલ્લભભાઈ ધારશે તેમ જ થશે.

Vallabhbhai Patel on Congress Plan of Action in Congress Majority Provinces

Vallabhbhai Patel on Congress Plan of Action in Congress Majority Provinces

AICC Papers, F. No. 1(a)/1936-37, 5th May1937

Dear Friend,

                As the policy of the Government in the various Provinces, in which the Congress commands a majority, is now definitely fixed, it is necessary for us now to start our plan of action. In all these provinces ‘bogus’ Ministers which have been styled as Interim Ministries have been formed. The ostensible object is to allow some time, for a reconsideration of the situation created by the refusal of the Congress Party to form Ministries consequent upon the Anglo-Indian Press which with one voice welcomed our Delhi formula, have suddenly changed their front with remarkable rapidity and unanimity. Some of them now have started appealing to the Congress leaders for reconsideration of their attitude. It is the usual way of preparing ground for throwing blame on the Congress for the break-down when they see that the Government have made up their mind the other way. The Congress has nothing to reconsider. It keeps no secrets and its policy has been open and above board. It is also unlikely, that the Government will now reconsider its position, as from the uniform nature of the answers given by the different Governors it appears, that their policy has been dictated from the Whitehall. Under the circumstances there are two alternatives left. (1) The Governor suspending the Constitution by a proclamation and taking over all the responsibility of administration on himself at the end of six months. (2) Before the expiry of the period of six months the Legislatures may be called, when the Ministry is bound to go, unless in the meantime, these Ministries succeed in reducing the strength of the Congress Party, so as to make their position stable. The first course is most unlikely. It is also highly unlikely that the ministry will succeed in any Province in breaking the Congress strength to any appreciable extent, if at all. On the contrary, in all probability, the other groups and individuals will join the Congress party in removing those unwanted ministries at the very first opportunity. It is more than probable that the first meeting of the Legislatures will be called in July or latest in August, and it is certain that when these ministries are faced with their respective Assemblies, they will have to go. The Legislatures then in all probability I will be dissolved and a fresh struggle of the elections will follow as a matter of course.

                Under these circumstances, the Congress Party in the various assemblies should from now organise its campaign to meet the situation that is likely to arise. I suggest, that a representation explaining a vote of no-confidence in these ministries should be organised in all Provinces and submitted forthwith to the Governors concerned. Signatures on such representation should secured from all groups and individuals, who are ready to join in such a vote of no-confidence, in addition to the signatures of all members of the Congress Party. No time should be lost in organising such a representation. It should then be published in the press also. This representation should contain a demand for immediate summoning of the Assembly.

Provincial Conventions of Congress members in the Legislatures may be organised and there also resolutions expressing a vote of no-confidence and a demand for calling a meeting of the Assembly should be passed and a programme of work for immediately educating the constituencies from which these members have been elected should be drawn up. Intensive campaign should be carried on all over the Province. The voters should be informed of the possible consequences of the present situation and of the possibility of a fresh election in the near future, so that when the time comes they may be prepared to return the Congress in a greater majority. The Congress organisation should be strengthened and the Congress machinery should be perfected during this interval for a swift and successful election struggle, which is bound to come much sooner than is expected. It must be remembered that when the next election comes there will be very short notice and we must keep our machinery in order from now.

Yours Sincerely,

Vallabhbhai Patel - Chairman

Corruption - Its Cause and Cure

There was a full dress debate in the Constituent Assembly on its legislative capacity on the need for putting down corruption in the public services. It was admitted on all hands that corruption existed on a large scale and that must be checked. The Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel frankly acknowledged that there was corruption and that Government wish it to be eradicated. But he cautioned the Assembly against adopting remedies which will make the disease worse. The introduction of a system of espionage is such a measure. Forty percent of the nearly 1500 cases investigated were not prosecuted, and of those prosecuted, about forty percent resulted in conviction. It is not safe to say that all the cases not prosecuted, should not have been investigated or that the person in the cases convicted were the worst offenders. But the vice of the system is in creating uncertainty and anxiety in the minds of all men in the services, which is not conducive to honest and efficient discharge of duty. Besides, investigating staff itself may be open to corruption; for the moment, espionage may be the only course open to put down corruption or rather to remind corrupt officials of the risks to which they expose themselves. But permanent remedy it is certainly worse than corruption.

The only completely effective means of avoiding corruption is a high sense of personal honour and public duty among officials. The creation of such qualities is helped by payment to officials of salaries which put them above reasonable wants. Mere increase of emoluments will not bring about purity. It may only increase the amount paid as bribes. Even on low scales of pay officials in the German Reich were acknowledged to be as incorruptible as civil servants in Britain. The civil servants pay even in Britain is less than what an ambitious man can earn in grade or commerce or as a cinema star. Public servants must be free of the profit motive. At the same time, unduly low salaries promote corruption. Edmund Burke wisely observed that to demand heroic virtues from the mass of men, ends in corruption. Low salaries have to be compensated by allowances perquisites and other extras or officials are likely to use their power to eke out their income by corruption or extortion.

The debate mostly turned on the corruption of officials. But the distressing feature of the present situation is the minister themselves often fall under the imputation. The public at the moment are more concerned about ministerial corruption than the corruption of permanent officials. One reason for this is the absurdly low salaries paid to ministers. These have to be supplemented by allowances for house rent, motor cars, and frequent movements from place to place which have become ministerial disease where a letter or telegram would be suffice in the old order, it is now thought only a person visit often by air, would do. A consolidated salary of reasonable proportion, with no allowances, travelling or other, would be a good remedy. But a worse cause, is the selection of Ministers not for merit but for caste or community. Men who are chosen for high office because they belong to a class are seldom the best type of men in that class. These men feel themselves safe from criticism or dismissal because they can easily make out that they are the victims of the prejudice against their particular class, whether it actually exists or not. The minority representative, therefore, enjoys a certain amount of immunity in wrongdoing. Until we get rid of this vicious system of having to provide for classes and communities, we cannot ensure perfect incorruptibility. Above all the men and women who lead or ought to lead should set to example of real and not ostentatious simplicity in their own personal lives.

Corruption it should be added is of various kinds. Bribery by payment of cash is the crudest and most easily detected form. There are many more insidious kinds which ramify in so many directions that it is practically impossible to detect them. These are the most dangerous forms. Espionage is powerless except as a means of blackmail against them.

Source - Indian Social Reformer - 13th December 1947

VANDE MATARAM

SOMNATH TEMPLE TO BE REBUILT

Standing amidst the ruins of the famous temple of Somnath, during his visit to Kathiawar, in connection with the Junagadh State's preservation from anarchy by the Indian Dominion, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel declared last week that the temple would be re-constructed and the image of Somnath reinstalled in the same site, where they stood when Mahomed Ghazni sacked and looted one thousand years ago. This act of vandalism which Professor Habib has condemned as an act of avarice under the cloak of religion, was a wrong both to islam and to Hinduism-more to Islam than Hinduism. The restoration of the temple and the re-installation of the image will be a tardy atonement. But no one with a spark of historic feeling, can fail to be thrilled by the declaration of the Sardar with whom were Mr. N. V. Gadgil, Minister of Public Works in the Government of India, and the Jam Saheb of Nawanagar in whose territory Patan is situated. The outstanding movement of the last century and a half is the revival of Hinduism and the reconstruction of the Somnath Temple will be a fitting climax to it. It should not cost the State a single piece. Hindus all over India will gladly contribute the necessary funds. Broad-minded muslims too will co-operate in redeeming their great religion from an infamy which the Ghaznavite's  greed has associated with it in the popular mind.

Source - Indian Social Reformer - 22nd November 1947

VANDE MATARAM

SARDAR PATEL'S SPEECH - 23rd November 1946

In moving a resolution relating to the Interim Government Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explained the difficulties that stood in the way of the Central Government's intervention in Provincial matters, such as the Calcutta and Noakhali disturbance. He declared that he had warned Bengal's leaders who saw him after the Calcutta riots that East Bengal was bound to be the next scene of trouble. He told them. "If you want independence you must learn to defend yourselves and your neighbours and others helpless people. You should not run to the army or the police for protection".

Replying to critics who spoke of non-violence and avoidance of civil strife Sardar Patel reiterated his conviction that the sword must be met by the sword. Mahatma Gandhi said it was better to use violence than to be a coward. Non violence was a weapon which it was beyond the power of ordinary men to use, and, therefore, Sardar Patel urged people to adopt violence in self-defence and only in self defence, or in defence of neighbours. He gave this advice because the present Central Government during the transference of power was in a state of paralysis.

VANDE MATARAM

HAPPY BIRTHDAY - SARDAR PATEL

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल - आज के युग का एकलव्य

सरदार पटेल को आज के युग का एकलव्य कह सकते है। यह मै इस वजह से कह्ना चाहता हूँ क्योकि एकलव्य ने गुरुभक्ति के लिये गुरुदक्षिणा के रूप मे अपना अंगुठा काटके गुरुके चरणो मे अर्पण कर दिया। सरदार पटेलने गांधीजीको अपने गुरु के रूपमे स्वीकार किया था । सरदार पटेलने देशभक्ति, गुरुभक्ति और राष्ट्रप्रेम को सदा अग्रेसर रखा और गांधीजीके कहने पर हंसते हंसते कोंग्रेस प्रेसीडंट के पदके चुनाव से अपना नाम वापस ले लिया ।

मेरे जैसे कई लोगोका यह मानना है कि सरदार पटेल के साथ अन्याय हुआ है और वह प्रधानमंत्री पद के लायक थे और वे कोंग्रेस प्रेसिडंट का चुनाव जीत भी गये थे फिर भी उन्हे प्रधानमंत्री नही बनाया गया और उनसे चुनावमे से अपना नाम वापस लेने के लिये गांधीजीने कहा। उन सब से मेरा एक सवाल है -- क्या सरदार पटेल अन्याय को सहन करने वाले व्यक्तिओमे से एक थे? उन्होने तो सदा गांधीजीकी बात का समर्थन ही किया है, कभी भी उनकी बात अनदेखा नही किया। उन्हे कभी भी ऐसा लगे कि गांधीजी की कोई बात गलत है तो वह गांधीजी के साथ विचार विमर्श कर लेते थे लेकिन करते वही थे जो गांधीजीने कहा होगा, और हमेशा गांधीजी के निर्णय के अनुसार कार्य किये है। अगर उनको ऐसा लगा होता कि उनको प्रधानमंत्री न बनाके गांधीजीने उनके साथ अन्याय किया है तो उन्होने कभी न कभी इस बात का झिक्र तो गांधीजी को किया होता लेकिन ऐसी कोई बात सामने आज तक न सुनी न पढी गई। ईस बात को अगर गुरुभक्ति या गुरुदक्षिणा के रूप मे देखा जाए तो गलत नही होगा। सरदार पटेल आज कल के नेताओ जैसे नही थे कि अपनी राजहठ को मनाने के लिए अलग पक्ष कि रचना करे या फिर विरोध प्रदर्शन करे। सरदार पटेल अगर देश के प्रधान मंत्री बने होते तो आज देशके हालात अलग होते लेकिन उस वक्त कि परिस्थिति और देश के हालात ऐसे थे कि देश गुलामीमे से बहार निकलने की खुशी मनाए या फिर बंटवारे का दु:ख मनाए, सरदार पटेल को कभी कोई पद की लालच नही थी, बल्कि उनका तो यह मानना था कि देशसेवा के लिए कोई पद की जरूरत नही हे, बिना पदके भी देश के लिए काम किया जा सकता है। एक बात से मैं खुद सहमत हुं कि यह अन्याय तो देश के साथ हुआ है, अगर सरदार पटेल देश के पहले प्रधानमंत्री होते तो देश आजादीके बाद जिन परिस्थितिओ मे से गुजरा वह परिस्थिति नही होती, लेकिन इस प्रकारके अन्याय से ज्यादा आज कल के नेता सरदार पटेल के नाम को अपनी राजकीय परीस्थिति को सुधारने के लिए करते है यह सबसे बडा जानबुझ के किया हुआ अन्याय है । उन्होने उप-प्रधानमंत्री और ग्रुह मंत्री का पद सम्भालते हुए देश के सामने आनेवाली हर चुनोती का सामना बखुबी किआ। उनका सदैव यही मानना था कि अपने घरकी मुसीबतो के हल के लिए घर के बाहर से मदद कभी नही लेनी चाहिए । मुसीबत अपने घर की है तो उसका सामनाभी घरके सदस्य मिल के करेंगे। और ऐसा उन्होने साबित करके भी दिखाया। चाहे वह जुनागढ की बात हो या फिर हैद्राबादकी बात हो । करीब करीब कश्मीर की समस्या भी सुलझने वाली थी लेकिन जवाहरलाल नहेरूने युनाईटेड नेशन को देश की कश्मीर की समस्या सुलझाने के लिए आमंत्रित किया । और आज यह भूल हमपे भारी पड रही है ।

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल जिस प्रकार शौर्य के प्रतीक थे उसी प्रकार चातुर्य के धनी थे । स्वतंत्रता संग्रामके महारथी थे, और स्वराज्य के सुत्र संचालनके कुशल सारथी थे । भारतमें परिवर्तन की राजनीति तेजी से दिखलाई दे रही थी, उसके पीछे ब्रिटिश प्रधानमंत्री एटली का भी बहुत बडा हाथ था । उन्होने चुनावो के समय ही अपने दल की एक नीति कि घोषित की थी कि वे सत्तारुढ होतेही भारतको पुर्ण स्वतंत्रता देने की नीति अपनाएंगे । उन्ही उद्देश्योको लेकर लार्ड वावेलने २१ अगस्त १९४५ की ब्रिटिश सरकारने भारतमें अंतरिम सरकार का गठन करने के लिए केंद्रिय तथा प्रांतीय धारासभा के चुनावो की घोषणा भी कर दी । उस समय कोंग्रेसने पार्लियामेंट्री बोर्ड का अध्यक्ष सरदार को ही बनाया था । ईस बार सरदार जेल से छुटने के बाद अस्वस्थ थे और गांधीजी के साथ पूना के पास उरुलीकांचन में थे, लेकिन कोंग्रेस ने पुन: उनके उपर ही चुनावों का बहुत बडा दायित्व सौंप दिया । यहां तक कि सभी उम्मीदवारों को चुनाव लडने के लिए फंड की व्यवस्था भी उनके उपर ही पडी । सरदार पटेल दिर्घ द्रष्टा थे  उन्होने अनुमान लगा लिया था कि मुस्लिम लीग के कारण कठिनाईयां बहुत है, लेकिन फिर भी इसके लिए जी-जान लगा दी । किसी उम्मीदवार को किसी प्रकार का अभाव नही होने दिया । टिकटो के बंटवारे से लेकर वित्तीय सहायता का भार भी उन्होने ढोया और कोंग्रेस विजयी रही । सरदार ने चुनावो के दौरान देश की जनताको यह विश्वास दिलाया था कि – “अब जहाज किनारे पर पहुच गया है । और भारतकी आजादी निकट आ गई है ।“

सरदार पटेल को चाणक्य कहा जाता था, इसीलिए कि उन्होने पहले ही अपना यह निर्णय कह दिया था कि वर्तमान स्थिति मे संविधान परिषद की बेठक में बिना किसी छिपाव-दुराव के कहा “मैने विभाजन को अंतिम उपाय के रूपमें तब स्वीकार किया था, जब सम्पुर्ण भारत हमारे हाथ से निकल जाने का खतरा पैदा हो गया था । मुस्लिम लीग के पांच सदस्य देश का बंटवारा करने की मंशा के साथ ही अंतरिम सरकार मे संम्मिलित हुए थे ।“

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल स्वतंत्रता के साथ देश के पहले गृहमंत्री बने, और उन्होने अपने कुछ ही दिनो के तजुर्बे से यह समझ लिया था कि जितनी समस्याए हैं, उन्हे सुलझाने के लिए अनुभवी अधिकारियों की सख्त जरूरत है । उन्होने तीन श्रेणियां बनाई – एक वे जो पाकिस्तान जाना चाहते हो, वे पाकिस्तान चले जाए । दुसरे वे जो सेवा में नही रहना चाहते हो वे सेवा से निव्रुत हो जाए और तीसरे वे जो सेवा में रहना चाहते हो, वे अब अपनी कार्य पध्धति को सुधारे और अपने को जनता का सेवक माने । उन्होने साफ शब्दोमें कहा कि हम लोगों को संघर्ष और आंदोलन का तजुर्बा है लेकिन शासन का अनुभव नही है । इसलिए आप यदि अपना पूर्ण समर्थन और विश्वास दे, तो हम भी आपको विश्वास में लेने को तैयार है । और इसका नतीजा यह आया कि अधिकांश भारतीय अधिकारियोंने सरकार की सेवा जारी रखी । सरदार पटेल ने ऐसे समय सबसे बडा प्रतिमान देशभक्ति और राष्ट्रियता का रखा । जहां नऐ लोगो की नियुक्ति की आवश्यकता थी वह भी किया । के. पी. एस. मेनन और वी. शंकर जैसे वरिष्ठ आई. सी. एस अधिकारियो को उन्होने पूर्ण विश्वास में लिया तथा देशी राज्यो के विलय मे उनसे जवाबदेही के काम लिए ।

३० जनवरी १९४८ को सरदार पटेल ने गांधीजी को अंतिम मुलाकात में यह निवेदन किया था – “बापु, मुझे मंत्रीमंडल से अलग होने की अनुमति दीजिए, क्योंकि मौलाना आजाद सद्रश कई ऐसे व्यक्ति है, जो मुझे और जवाहरलाल को एक देखना नही चाहते । वह हम दोनो में मनोमालिन्य पैदा करना चाहते हैं, ताकि  मेरी अनुपस्थिति में “जी हजुरी/’ करके मनमानी कर सके और मंत्री मंडल में प्रभाव बढा सकें । गांधीजी की इस संबंध में एक ही राय थी कि सरदार पटेल और पंडित नेहरू दोनोमें किसी प्रकार का वैमनस्य न हो । दोनो एक रहे इसीमें राष्ट्र की भलाई है ।

आखिर मै मुझे कवि दिनकर की पंक्तियां सहसा याद आ रही है –

“बडा वह आदमी जो जिंदगी भर काम करता है, बडी वह रूह जो रोए बिना तन से निकलती है “

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल के बारे में ये पंक्तिया सटीक बैठती है । उन्होने अपनी आखरी सांस तक काम करते रहे है, वे कर्म मे विश्वास रखने वाले योद्धा थे । 

रशेश नरेंद्रभाई पटेल - करमसद 

THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS

No apology is needed for reproducing in full in this issue of the Reformer the documents which have been published relating to the peace negotiations which ended last week. Apart from their immediate political interest which, of course, is considerable, the documents comprising the record are of intense human interest. The personalities concerned in this drama are these : the Viceroy and Mahatma Gandhi, as the principal protagonists, Mr. M.R. Jayakar and Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, as intermediaries, and Pandit Motilal Nehru and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, as secondary characters, Sarojini Naidu, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel, Mr. Jairamdas Daulatram and Dr. Sayed Mahmud are also in the picture Their opinions, no doubt, influenced the course of the discussion. Another figure which does not appear in the group but exerted much influence behind the scenes in the penultimate and final acts, is Mr. A. Rangaswami Aiyangar, the able and tactful Editor of the Hindu Newspaper.

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - September 13, 1930.

HAPPENINGS AT BARDOLI

The Times of India published the following regarding happenings in Bardoli in its issue of the 20th Instant : "Agriculturists in Bardoli Taluka, it is reported, are resorting to a "Hijrat" (wholesale migration) from their villages, many of them having already removed all their moveable property. Cultivators in the taluka, it will be remembered, had resolved not to pay land revenue until Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel gave them permission to do it. Any stringent measures by Government for the collection of Land revenue, the villagers stated, would be defied and rendered nugatory by the latter talking the bold step of migrating into the territories of the adjoining Indian States. Information has just reached here from Bardoli that the people residing in almost all the villages of the Taluka have resolved on a "Hijrat", true to their challenge to Government. It is further stated that the inhabitants of Sarbhon, Kadod, Wankaner and Valod have begun to evacuate their villages and migrate into other places, taking with them the remnants of their movable belongings. It is difficult to ascertain how many families have so far left their homes. Unless the cultivators vacale the villages in large numbers one can hardly determine if they have left their homes for good or only temporarily or it is merely a gesture. The villagers have taken this step, it is alleged, as the result of the activities of Mr. Ismail K. Desai, Deputy Superintendent of Police, who has been specially appointed for political offences." In its issue of the 23rd, the same paper publishes the following from its correspondent in Poona where the Government of Bombay now is : "The report of wholesale migration of the people of Bardoli into surrounding Indian States has not so far become known in Government circles in Poona, but it is well known that many of the people are removing all their valuables and even their household goods in order to avoid their attachment for non-payment of land revenue. The local authorities have been making such reports for sometime, and there is no doubt that such a move is in keeping with their avowed intention to defy all attempts to secure revenue from them before they are instructed by the Congress leaders to pay. It has also been reported that in one or two cases women and children have been removed, but it is generally considered very unlikely that the cultivators themselves should leave now and go to Indian States on the borders of Bardoli, such as Baroda, Rajpipla, Bansda and Dharampur, where they would not be very welcome, particularly in view of the fact that in a few weeks their crops will be ripe for harvest." A reliable gentleman in Bombay told us the other day that he was getting private information to the effect that the exodus is due to the villagers not trusting themselves to remain non-violent under the provocations to which they were exposed. Some of the Bombay representatives to the Round Table  Conference would do well to pay a flying visit to Bardoli to ascertain the actual truth before leaving India. 

MR. PATEL AND THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF THE ASSEMBLY

We are somewhat surprised to learn on very good authority that Mr. V. J. Patel is a candidate for the post of President of the Legislative Assembly. The election takes place, we think, next August when the Assembly will meet for the autumn session at Simla. But already very active canvassing is said to be going on. The post carries with it a monthly honorarium of rupees four thousand and from the pecuniary point of view it is certainly something to tempt even very capable men. But at the same time, acceptance of this position will mean the death of the political life of the Honourable member who may be induced to do so. Mr. Patel is one of the stalwarts of the Swarajya Party. He is about the most uncompromising opponent of the present system of administration in this country. He has been the most outspoken advocate of mass civil disobedience through which he believes India will achieve her political emancipation without striking a single blow or shedding one drop of blood. For such a man to seek the presidential chair of the Assembly means political suicide for himself and an irreparable loss of driving force to the Party of which he is one of the most prominent leaders. Yet we hear that even his own Party is ready to vote him into this place. Perhaps the motive here is to get this inconvenient partisan out of the way. For it is notorious that Mr. Patel made Pandit Motilal's position anything but pleasant during the passage of the Tariff Act last summer. Be that however as it may, this readiness on the part of so strong a Swarajist to accept office, though it may be an elective one, does not indicate a healthy tendency in the Swarajist Party. No one who wants to fight for Swaraj can afford just now to bury himself in the presidential chair of the legislature. If Mr. Patel be really elected the Assembly will certainly be the poorer for the loss of his fighting speeches and his unconscious humour.

Courtesy : Indian Opinion - June 12th, 1925

PEACE CONVERSATIONS

On Sunday night Pandit Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr. Mahomed who was arrested and convicted with them, were taken by special train from Allahabad Central Jail and brought to Yerravada Jail where Mahatma Gandhi is interned. Mahatmaji, they and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who is also serving his sentence in Yerravada, had a preliminary conference on Tuesday after which Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and Mr. Jayakar joined them. The conference was continued on Wednesday and Thursday and is to be renewed on Friday when this is written. That it has not been broken off, is a good sign. The method of carrying on negotiations in jail has serious disadvantages, the worst of which is that the principals in jail must accept what they are told of the state of things outside and cannot teat their information at first hand. If for instance Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Motilal want to know how their movement is faring in Andhra, they cannot question and Andhra leader like Mr. Jogiah who was quite recently in Bombay. In the Pandit's own province it appears that even among very sympathetic observers there is a feeling that things are being pushed almost to the verge of non-violence. Leadership everywhere has passed into the hands of people with more enthusiasm than knowledge and the few experienced people outside jails find it experdiert to conceal their real opinions and shout with the largest crowd. It is to the credit of the young enthusiasts that they are keeping up the movement bravely, and it is not their fault that it tends to become a monotonous series of processions and public meetings. On the other hand, the officials are doing much what they please, especially in the districts. The ridiculous order against Gandhi caps by a magistrate in Andhra, has been set aside, as being likely to provoke the very evils which it was its professed object to avoid, by the Madras High Court, after it had been in force and scores of persons had suffered by its enforcement for several days. The country cannot be allowed to drift as, we are afraid, it is doing, on the offchance of its being washed ashore some delectable region.

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer August 16, 1930

PRESIDENT PATEL'S RESIGNATION

Mr. Vithalbhai J. Patel has resigned the Presidentship of the Legislative Assembly. Under the reformed constitution, the Assembly was to elect its own President from amongst its elected members after the lapse of the first four years when it had a President nominated by the Governor - General. Mr. Patel was the first President so elected. In a long letter to the Viceroy, he sets forth the difficulties against which he had to contend during his term of office, due to the open and veiled opposition of the official members. Mr. Patel's position was more analogous to that of the Speaker of the British House of Commons in the days when it was engaged in its long struggle to establish its influence against the Crown than that at the present day when it has been firmly established. The only difference was that in Mr. Patel's case it was not the Crown he had to contend against, as the Viceroy's support was consistently extended to him, but the officials who had accepted the Reforms without much enthusiasm and were not inclined to go out of their way to make them a success. Mr. Patel proved to be a strong President in maintaining the rights of the elected members of the Assembly, and if at times he seemed to strain his powers almost to the breaking point in withstanding what he suspected to be attempted cucroachments on them, this is no more than what great Speakers of the House of Commons have done in similar circumstances. At the last session, the President was obliged to place on record his considered opinion that the Assembly was deprived by the attitude adopted by Government of the opportunity of a free debate on the proposal for imposing a differential duty on cotton goods imported from countries other than Great Britain. Mr. Patel has been forced in view of these facts to the conclusion that he could serve the country better by resigning the Presidentship. With most of the leading men of the Congress party in jail, there is great need for other leaders to keep the non-violent movement within the strict bounds of its creed, and for that reason alone, if for no other, Mr. Patel's resumption of his freedom of action, is very opportune. 

Courtesy : - INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER MAY 3, 1930

MR. VALLABHBHAI'S ARREST - SARDAR PATEL

In our leading article last week, we did not think it relevant to discuss the legality or otherwise of the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel. The Satyagrahis court imprisonment and repression and it is immaterial from their point of view whether these, which are really essential conditions for their success, come legally or illegally. Perhaps, they would say that illegal imprisonment is better from their point of view than lega. The Leader, Allahabad, edited by an eminent Indian Liberal leader, Mr. C. Y. Chintamani, in two leading articles condemns the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai in severe terms. "We are clear and strong," it observes in its first article, "that the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai was a gross blunder which suited the campaigners far more than the guardians of law and order." In the second article written with further information, it uses even stronger language and insists that the obligation is greater on publicists, who do not approve of the Satyagraha campaign, to insist that the legal guardians of law and order do not themselves perpetrate illegalities, do not act in a discreditable spirit of petty vindictiveness and do their duty in a wise and becoming manner. It is, therefore, surprising to see some Liberal names among those who voted against Pandit Madan Mohan Malavia's motion i the Legislative Assembly to call attention to the action against Mr. Vallabhbhai. It is clear that unless Indian Liberals have a definite set of principles to which all members of the party are expected to adhere, they cannot claim to be a political party on the strength merely of being opposed to the National Congress. The history and principles of Indian Liberalism, as deducible from the practice of eminent leaders, from the subject of our leading article in this issue. 

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - March 22, 1930

President of Next Congress

Mahatma Gandhi having persisted in his refusal to accept the presidentship of the next session of the Indian National Congress, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who received the next largest number of votes from the Provincial Committees having likewise declined the responsibility, and new nominations not being permissible according to Congress rules, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was elected at the meeting of All India Congress Committee held at Lahore last week to the office. It was a case of more or less Hobson's choice with the Committee. The result has been received with enthusiasm by few and with frank misgivings by some organs of public opinion. Pandit Jawaharlal's own position is not an easy one. To the country at large he stands for independence of the British connection, but he is himself in the position of a captive balloon held down on one side by the pacific idealism of Mahatma Gandhi and on the other by the political realism of Pandit Motilal Nehru. The reasons given publicly by Mahatmaji are not necessarily all his reasons for insisting on the Junior Pandit's election this time to the Congress Presidentship. Politics, national as well as international, is now-a-days largely a matter of gestures, and Pandit Jawaharlal's presidentship is a gesture to the British Government. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru may be described as being the most moderate of extremists and Mahatma Gandhi has doubtless calculated the value of his co-operation in keeping the independence school within the bound of practical politics. On the whole, the choice is perhaps the best in the circumstances. 

Courtesy : INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER - October 5, 1929