Corruption - Its Cause and Cure

There was a full dress debate in the Constituent Assembly on its legislative capacity on the need for putting down corruption in the public services. It was admitted on all hands that corruption existed on a large scale and that must be checked. The Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel frankly acknowledged that there was corruption and that Government wish it to be eradicated. But he cautioned the Assembly against adopting remedies which will make the disease worse. The introduction of a system of espionage is such a measure. Forty percent of the nearly 1500 cases investigated were not prosecuted, and of those prosecuted, about forty percent resulted in conviction. It is not safe to say that all the cases not prosecuted, should not have been investigated or that the person in the cases convicted were the worst offenders. But the vice of the system is in creating uncertainty and anxiety in the minds of all men in the services, which is not conducive to honest and efficient discharge of duty. Besides, investigating staff itself may be open to corruption; for the moment, espionage may be the only course open to put down corruption or rather to remind corrupt officials of the risks to which they expose themselves. But permanent remedy it is certainly worse than corruption.

The only completely effective means of avoiding corruption is a high sense of personal honour and public duty among officials. The creation of such qualities is helped by payment to officials of salaries which put them above reasonable wants. Mere increase of emoluments will not bring about purity. It may only increase the amount paid as bribes. Even on low scales of pay officials in the German Reich were acknowledged to be as incorruptible as civil servants in Britain. The civil servants pay even in Britain is less than what an ambitious man can earn in grade or commerce or as a cinema star. Public servants must be free of the profit motive. At the same time, unduly low salaries promote corruption. Edmund Burke wisely observed that to demand heroic virtues from the mass of men, ends in corruption. Low salaries have to be compensated by allowances perquisites and other extras or officials are likely to use their power to eke out their income by corruption or extortion.

The debate mostly turned on the corruption of officials. But the distressing feature of the present situation is the minister themselves often fall under the imputation. The public at the moment are more concerned about ministerial corruption than the corruption of permanent officials. One reason for this is the absurdly low salaries paid to ministers. These have to be supplemented by allowances for house rent, motor cars, and frequent movements from place to place which have become ministerial disease where a letter or telegram would be suffice in the old order, it is now thought only a person visit often by air, would do. A consolidated salary of reasonable proportion, with no allowances, travelling or other, would be a good remedy. But a worse cause, is the selection of Ministers not for merit but for caste or community. Men who are chosen for high office because they belong to a class are seldom the best type of men in that class. These men feel themselves safe from criticism or dismissal because they can easily make out that they are the victims of the prejudice against their particular class, whether it actually exists or not. The minority representative, therefore, enjoys a certain amount of immunity in wrongdoing. Until we get rid of this vicious system of having to provide for classes and communities, we cannot ensure perfect incorruptibility. Above all the men and women who lead or ought to lead should set to example of real and not ostentatious simplicity in their own personal lives.

Corruption it should be added is of various kinds. Bribery by payment of cash is the crudest and most easily detected form. There are many more insidious kinds which ramify in so many directions that it is practically impossible to detect them. These are the most dangerous forms. Espionage is powerless except as a means of blackmail against them.

Source - Indian Social Reformer - 13th December 1947

VANDE MATARAM

SOMNATH TEMPLE TO BE REBUILT

Standing amidst the ruins of the famous temple of Somnath, during his visit to Kathiawar, in connection with the Junagadh State's preservation from anarchy by the Indian Dominion, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel declared last week that the temple would be re-constructed and the image of Somnath reinstalled in the same site, where they stood when Mahomed Ghazni sacked and looted one thousand years ago. This act of vandalism which Professor Habib has condemned as an act of avarice under the cloak of religion, was a wrong both to islam and to Hinduism-more to Islam than Hinduism. The restoration of the temple and the re-installation of the image will be a tardy atonement. But no one with a spark of historic feeling, can fail to be thrilled by the declaration of the Sardar with whom were Mr. N. V. Gadgil, Minister of Public Works in the Government of India, and the Jam Saheb of Nawanagar in whose territory Patan is situated. The outstanding movement of the last century and a half is the revival of Hinduism and the reconstruction of the Somnath Temple will be a fitting climax to it. It should not cost the State a single piece. Hindus all over India will gladly contribute the necessary funds. Broad-minded muslims too will co-operate in redeeming their great religion from an infamy which the Ghaznavite's  greed has associated with it in the popular mind.

Source - Indian Social Reformer - 22nd November 1947

VANDE MATARAM

SARDAR PATEL'S SPEECH - 23rd November 1946

In moving a resolution relating to the Interim Government Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explained the difficulties that stood in the way of the Central Government's intervention in Provincial matters, such as the Calcutta and Noakhali disturbance. He declared that he had warned Bengal's leaders who saw him after the Calcutta riots that East Bengal was bound to be the next scene of trouble. He told them. "If you want independence you must learn to defend yourselves and your neighbours and others helpless people. You should not run to the army or the police for protection".

Replying to critics who spoke of non-violence and avoidance of civil strife Sardar Patel reiterated his conviction that the sword must be met by the sword. Mahatma Gandhi said it was better to use violence than to be a coward. Non violence was a weapon which it was beyond the power of ordinary men to use, and, therefore, Sardar Patel urged people to adopt violence in self-defence and only in self defence, or in defence of neighbours. He gave this advice because the present Central Government during the transference of power was in a state of paralysis.

VANDE MATARAM

HAPPY BIRTHDAY - SARDAR PATEL

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल - आज के युग का एकलव्य

सरदार पटेल को आज के युग का एकलव्य कह सकते है। यह मै इस वजह से कह्ना चाहता हूँ क्योकि एकलव्य ने गुरुभक्ति के लिये गुरुदक्षिणा के रूप मे अपना अंगुठा काटके गुरुके चरणो मे अर्पण कर दिया। सरदार पटेलने गांधीजीको अपने गुरु के रूपमे स्वीकार किया था । सरदार पटेलने देशभक्ति, गुरुभक्ति और राष्ट्रप्रेम को सदा अग्रेसर रखा और गांधीजीके कहने पर हंसते हंसते कोंग्रेस प्रेसीडंट के पदके चुनाव से अपना नाम वापस ले लिया ।

मेरे जैसे कई लोगोका यह मानना है कि सरदार पटेल के साथ अन्याय हुआ है और वह प्रधानमंत्री पद के लायक थे और वे कोंग्रेस प्रेसिडंट का चुनाव जीत भी गये थे फिर भी उन्हे प्रधानमंत्री नही बनाया गया और उनसे चुनावमे से अपना नाम वापस लेने के लिये गांधीजीने कहा। उन सब से मेरा एक सवाल है -- क्या सरदार पटेल अन्याय को सहन करने वाले व्यक्तिओमे से एक थे? उन्होने तो सदा गांधीजीकी बात का समर्थन ही किया है, कभी भी उनकी बात अनदेखा नही किया। उन्हे कभी भी ऐसा लगे कि गांधीजी की कोई बात गलत है तो वह गांधीजी के साथ विचार विमर्श कर लेते थे लेकिन करते वही थे जो गांधीजीने कहा होगा, और हमेशा गांधीजी के निर्णय के अनुसार कार्य किये है। अगर उनको ऐसा लगा होता कि उनको प्रधानमंत्री न बनाके गांधीजीने उनके साथ अन्याय किया है तो उन्होने कभी न कभी इस बात का झिक्र तो गांधीजी को किया होता लेकिन ऐसी कोई बात सामने आज तक न सुनी न पढी गई। ईस बात को अगर गुरुभक्ति या गुरुदक्षिणा के रूप मे देखा जाए तो गलत नही होगा। सरदार पटेल आज कल के नेताओ जैसे नही थे कि अपनी राजहठ को मनाने के लिए अलग पक्ष कि रचना करे या फिर विरोध प्रदर्शन करे। सरदार पटेल अगर देश के प्रधान मंत्री बने होते तो आज देशके हालात अलग होते लेकिन उस वक्त कि परिस्थिति और देश के हालात ऐसे थे कि देश गुलामीमे से बहार निकलने की खुशी मनाए या फिर बंटवारे का दु:ख मनाए, सरदार पटेल को कभी कोई पद की लालच नही थी, बल्कि उनका तो यह मानना था कि देशसेवा के लिए कोई पद की जरूरत नही हे, बिना पदके भी देश के लिए काम किया जा सकता है। एक बात से मैं खुद सहमत हुं कि यह अन्याय तो देश के साथ हुआ है, अगर सरदार पटेल देश के पहले प्रधानमंत्री होते तो देश आजादीके बाद जिन परिस्थितिओ मे से गुजरा वह परिस्थिति नही होती, लेकिन इस प्रकारके अन्याय से ज्यादा आज कल के नेता सरदार पटेल के नाम को अपनी राजकीय परीस्थिति को सुधारने के लिए करते है यह सबसे बडा जानबुझ के किया हुआ अन्याय है । उन्होने उप-प्रधानमंत्री और ग्रुह मंत्री का पद सम्भालते हुए देश के सामने आनेवाली हर चुनोती का सामना बखुबी किआ। उनका सदैव यही मानना था कि अपने घरकी मुसीबतो के हल के लिए घर के बाहर से मदद कभी नही लेनी चाहिए । मुसीबत अपने घर की है तो उसका सामनाभी घरके सदस्य मिल के करेंगे। और ऐसा उन्होने साबित करके भी दिखाया। चाहे वह जुनागढ की बात हो या फिर हैद्राबादकी बात हो । करीब करीब कश्मीर की समस्या भी सुलझने वाली थी लेकिन जवाहरलाल नहेरूने युनाईटेड नेशन को देश की कश्मीर की समस्या सुलझाने के लिए आमंत्रित किया । और आज यह भूल हमपे भारी पड रही है ।

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल जिस प्रकार शौर्य के प्रतीक थे उसी प्रकार चातुर्य के धनी थे । स्वतंत्रता संग्रामके महारथी थे, और स्वराज्य के सुत्र संचालनके कुशल सारथी थे । भारतमें परिवर्तन की राजनीति तेजी से दिखलाई दे रही थी, उसके पीछे ब्रिटिश प्रधानमंत्री एटली का भी बहुत बडा हाथ था । उन्होने चुनावो के समय ही अपने दल की एक नीति कि घोषित की थी कि वे सत्तारुढ होतेही भारतको पुर्ण स्वतंत्रता देने की नीति अपनाएंगे । उन्ही उद्देश्योको लेकर लार्ड वावेलने २१ अगस्त १९४५ की ब्रिटिश सरकारने भारतमें अंतरिम सरकार का गठन करने के लिए केंद्रिय तथा प्रांतीय धारासभा के चुनावो की घोषणा भी कर दी । उस समय कोंग्रेसने पार्लियामेंट्री बोर्ड का अध्यक्ष सरदार को ही बनाया था । ईस बार सरदार जेल से छुटने के बाद अस्वस्थ थे और गांधीजी के साथ पूना के पास उरुलीकांचन में थे, लेकिन कोंग्रेस ने पुन: उनके उपर ही चुनावों का बहुत बडा दायित्व सौंप दिया । यहां तक कि सभी उम्मीदवारों को चुनाव लडने के लिए फंड की व्यवस्था भी उनके उपर ही पडी । सरदार पटेल दिर्घ द्रष्टा थे  उन्होने अनुमान लगा लिया था कि मुस्लिम लीग के कारण कठिनाईयां बहुत है, लेकिन फिर भी इसके लिए जी-जान लगा दी । किसी उम्मीदवार को किसी प्रकार का अभाव नही होने दिया । टिकटो के बंटवारे से लेकर वित्तीय सहायता का भार भी उन्होने ढोया और कोंग्रेस विजयी रही । सरदार ने चुनावो के दौरान देश की जनताको यह विश्वास दिलाया था कि – “अब जहाज किनारे पर पहुच गया है । और भारतकी आजादी निकट आ गई है ।“

सरदार पटेल को चाणक्य कहा जाता था, इसीलिए कि उन्होने पहले ही अपना यह निर्णय कह दिया था कि वर्तमान स्थिति मे संविधान परिषद की बेठक में बिना किसी छिपाव-दुराव के कहा “मैने विभाजन को अंतिम उपाय के रूपमें तब स्वीकार किया था, जब सम्पुर्ण भारत हमारे हाथ से निकल जाने का खतरा पैदा हो गया था । मुस्लिम लीग के पांच सदस्य देश का बंटवारा करने की मंशा के साथ ही अंतरिम सरकार मे संम्मिलित हुए थे ।“

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल स्वतंत्रता के साथ देश के पहले गृहमंत्री बने, और उन्होने अपने कुछ ही दिनो के तजुर्बे से यह समझ लिया था कि जितनी समस्याए हैं, उन्हे सुलझाने के लिए अनुभवी अधिकारियों की सख्त जरूरत है । उन्होने तीन श्रेणियां बनाई – एक वे जो पाकिस्तान जाना चाहते हो, वे पाकिस्तान चले जाए । दुसरे वे जो सेवा में नही रहना चाहते हो वे सेवा से निव्रुत हो जाए और तीसरे वे जो सेवा में रहना चाहते हो, वे अब अपनी कार्य पध्धति को सुधारे और अपने को जनता का सेवक माने । उन्होने साफ शब्दोमें कहा कि हम लोगों को संघर्ष और आंदोलन का तजुर्बा है लेकिन शासन का अनुभव नही है । इसलिए आप यदि अपना पूर्ण समर्थन और विश्वास दे, तो हम भी आपको विश्वास में लेने को तैयार है । और इसका नतीजा यह आया कि अधिकांश भारतीय अधिकारियोंने सरकार की सेवा जारी रखी । सरदार पटेल ने ऐसे समय सबसे बडा प्रतिमान देशभक्ति और राष्ट्रियता का रखा । जहां नऐ लोगो की नियुक्ति की आवश्यकता थी वह भी किया । के. पी. एस. मेनन और वी. शंकर जैसे वरिष्ठ आई. सी. एस अधिकारियो को उन्होने पूर्ण विश्वास में लिया तथा देशी राज्यो के विलय मे उनसे जवाबदेही के काम लिए ।

३० जनवरी १९४८ को सरदार पटेल ने गांधीजी को अंतिम मुलाकात में यह निवेदन किया था – “बापु, मुझे मंत्रीमंडल से अलग होने की अनुमति दीजिए, क्योंकि मौलाना आजाद सद्रश कई ऐसे व्यक्ति है, जो मुझे और जवाहरलाल को एक देखना नही चाहते । वह हम दोनो में मनोमालिन्य पैदा करना चाहते हैं, ताकि  मेरी अनुपस्थिति में “जी हजुरी/’ करके मनमानी कर सके और मंत्री मंडल में प्रभाव बढा सकें । गांधीजी की इस संबंध में एक ही राय थी कि सरदार पटेल और पंडित नेहरू दोनोमें किसी प्रकार का वैमनस्य न हो । दोनो एक रहे इसीमें राष्ट्र की भलाई है ।

आखिर मै मुझे कवि दिनकर की पंक्तियां सहसा याद आ रही है –

“बडा वह आदमी जो जिंदगी भर काम करता है, बडी वह रूह जो रोए बिना तन से निकलती है “

सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल के बारे में ये पंक्तिया सटीक बैठती है । उन्होने अपनी आखरी सांस तक काम करते रहे है, वे कर्म मे विश्वास रखने वाले योद्धा थे । 

रशेश नरेंद्रभाई पटेल - करमसद 

THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS

No apology is needed for reproducing in full in this issue of the Reformer the documents which have been published relating to the peace negotiations which ended last week. Apart from their immediate political interest which, of course, is considerable, the documents comprising the record are of intense human interest. The personalities concerned in this drama are these : the Viceroy and Mahatma Gandhi, as the principal protagonists, Mr. M.R. Jayakar and Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, as intermediaries, and Pandit Motilal Nehru and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, as secondary characters, Sarojini Naidu, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel, Mr. Jairamdas Daulatram and Dr. Sayed Mahmud are also in the picture Their opinions, no doubt, influenced the course of the discussion. Another figure which does not appear in the group but exerted much influence behind the scenes in the penultimate and final acts, is Mr. A. Rangaswami Aiyangar, the able and tactful Editor of the Hindu Newspaper.

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - September 13, 1930.

HAPPENINGS AT BARDOLI

The Times of India published the following regarding happenings in Bardoli in its issue of the 20th Instant : "Agriculturists in Bardoli Taluka, it is reported, are resorting to a "Hijrat" (wholesale migration) from their villages, many of them having already removed all their moveable property. Cultivators in the taluka, it will be remembered, had resolved not to pay land revenue until Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel gave them permission to do it. Any stringent measures by Government for the collection of Land revenue, the villagers stated, would be defied and rendered nugatory by the latter talking the bold step of migrating into the territories of the adjoining Indian States. Information has just reached here from Bardoli that the people residing in almost all the villages of the Taluka have resolved on a "Hijrat", true to their challenge to Government. It is further stated that the inhabitants of Sarbhon, Kadod, Wankaner and Valod have begun to evacuate their villages and migrate into other places, taking with them the remnants of their movable belongings. It is difficult to ascertain how many families have so far left their homes. Unless the cultivators vacale the villages in large numbers one can hardly determine if they have left their homes for good or only temporarily or it is merely a gesture. The villagers have taken this step, it is alleged, as the result of the activities of Mr. Ismail K. Desai, Deputy Superintendent of Police, who has been specially appointed for political offences." In its issue of the 23rd, the same paper publishes the following from its correspondent in Poona where the Government of Bombay now is : "The report of wholesale migration of the people of Bardoli into surrounding Indian States has not so far become known in Government circles in Poona, but it is well known that many of the people are removing all their valuables and even their household goods in order to avoid their attachment for non-payment of land revenue. The local authorities have been making such reports for sometime, and there is no doubt that such a move is in keeping with their avowed intention to defy all attempts to secure revenue from them before they are instructed by the Congress leaders to pay. It has also been reported that in one or two cases women and children have been removed, but it is generally considered very unlikely that the cultivators themselves should leave now and go to Indian States on the borders of Bardoli, such as Baroda, Rajpipla, Bansda and Dharampur, where they would not be very welcome, particularly in view of the fact that in a few weeks their crops will be ripe for harvest." A reliable gentleman in Bombay told us the other day that he was getting private information to the effect that the exodus is due to the villagers not trusting themselves to remain non-violent under the provocations to which they were exposed. Some of the Bombay representatives to the Round Table  Conference would do well to pay a flying visit to Bardoli to ascertain the actual truth before leaving India. 

MR. PATEL AND THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF THE ASSEMBLY

We are somewhat surprised to learn on very good authority that Mr. V. J. Patel is a candidate for the post of President of the Legislative Assembly. The election takes place, we think, next August when the Assembly will meet for the autumn session at Simla. But already very active canvassing is said to be going on. The post carries with it a monthly honorarium of rupees four thousand and from the pecuniary point of view it is certainly something to tempt even very capable men. But at the same time, acceptance of this position will mean the death of the political life of the Honourable member who may be induced to do so. Mr. Patel is one of the stalwarts of the Swarajya Party. He is about the most uncompromising opponent of the present system of administration in this country. He has been the most outspoken advocate of mass civil disobedience through which he believes India will achieve her political emancipation without striking a single blow or shedding one drop of blood. For such a man to seek the presidential chair of the Assembly means political suicide for himself and an irreparable loss of driving force to the Party of which he is one of the most prominent leaders. Yet we hear that even his own Party is ready to vote him into this place. Perhaps the motive here is to get this inconvenient partisan out of the way. For it is notorious that Mr. Patel made Pandit Motilal's position anything but pleasant during the passage of the Tariff Act last summer. Be that however as it may, this readiness on the part of so strong a Swarajist to accept office, though it may be an elective one, does not indicate a healthy tendency in the Swarajist Party. No one who wants to fight for Swaraj can afford just now to bury himself in the presidential chair of the legislature. If Mr. Patel be really elected the Assembly will certainly be the poorer for the loss of his fighting speeches and his unconscious humour.

Courtesy : Indian Opinion - June 12th, 1925

PEACE CONVERSATIONS

On Sunday night Pandit Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr. Mahomed who was arrested and convicted with them, were taken by special train from Allahabad Central Jail and brought to Yerravada Jail where Mahatma Gandhi is interned. Mahatmaji, they and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who is also serving his sentence in Yerravada, had a preliminary conference on Tuesday after which Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and Mr. Jayakar joined them. The conference was continued on Wednesday and Thursday and is to be renewed on Friday when this is written. That it has not been broken off, is a good sign. The method of carrying on negotiations in jail has serious disadvantages, the worst of which is that the principals in jail must accept what they are told of the state of things outside and cannot teat their information at first hand. If for instance Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Motilal want to know how their movement is faring in Andhra, they cannot question and Andhra leader like Mr. Jogiah who was quite recently in Bombay. In the Pandit's own province it appears that even among very sympathetic observers there is a feeling that things are being pushed almost to the verge of non-violence. Leadership everywhere has passed into the hands of people with more enthusiasm than knowledge and the few experienced people outside jails find it experdiert to conceal their real opinions and shout with the largest crowd. It is to the credit of the young enthusiasts that they are keeping up the movement bravely, and it is not their fault that it tends to become a monotonous series of processions and public meetings. On the other hand, the officials are doing much what they please, especially in the districts. The ridiculous order against Gandhi caps by a magistrate in Andhra, has been set aside, as being likely to provoke the very evils which it was its professed object to avoid, by the Madras High Court, after it had been in force and scores of persons had suffered by its enforcement for several days. The country cannot be allowed to drift as, we are afraid, it is doing, on the offchance of its being washed ashore some delectable region.

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer August 16, 1930

PRESIDENT PATEL'S RESIGNATION

Mr. Vithalbhai J. Patel has resigned the Presidentship of the Legislative Assembly. Under the reformed constitution, the Assembly was to elect its own President from amongst its elected members after the lapse of the first four years when it had a President nominated by the Governor - General. Mr. Patel was the first President so elected. In a long letter to the Viceroy, he sets forth the difficulties against which he had to contend during his term of office, due to the open and veiled opposition of the official members. Mr. Patel's position was more analogous to that of the Speaker of the British House of Commons in the days when it was engaged in its long struggle to establish its influence against the Crown than that at the present day when it has been firmly established. The only difference was that in Mr. Patel's case it was not the Crown he had to contend against, as the Viceroy's support was consistently extended to him, but the officials who had accepted the Reforms without much enthusiasm and were not inclined to go out of their way to make them a success. Mr. Patel proved to be a strong President in maintaining the rights of the elected members of the Assembly, and if at times he seemed to strain his powers almost to the breaking point in withstanding what he suspected to be attempted cucroachments on them, this is no more than what great Speakers of the House of Commons have done in similar circumstances. At the last session, the President was obliged to place on record his considered opinion that the Assembly was deprived by the attitude adopted by Government of the opportunity of a free debate on the proposal for imposing a differential duty on cotton goods imported from countries other than Great Britain. Mr. Patel has been forced in view of these facts to the conclusion that he could serve the country better by resigning the Presidentship. With most of the leading men of the Congress party in jail, there is great need for other leaders to keep the non-violent movement within the strict bounds of its creed, and for that reason alone, if for no other, Mr. Patel's resumption of his freedom of action, is very opportune. 

Courtesy : - INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER MAY 3, 1930

MR. VALLABHBHAI'S ARREST - SARDAR PATEL

In our leading article last week, we did not think it relevant to discuss the legality or otherwise of the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel. The Satyagrahis court imprisonment and repression and it is immaterial from their point of view whether these, which are really essential conditions for their success, come legally or illegally. Perhaps, they would say that illegal imprisonment is better from their point of view than lega. The Leader, Allahabad, edited by an eminent Indian Liberal leader, Mr. C. Y. Chintamani, in two leading articles condemns the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai in severe terms. "We are clear and strong," it observes in its first article, "that the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai was a gross blunder which suited the campaigners far more than the guardians of law and order." In the second article written with further information, it uses even stronger language and insists that the obligation is greater on publicists, who do not approve of the Satyagraha campaign, to insist that the legal guardians of law and order do not themselves perpetrate illegalities, do not act in a discreditable spirit of petty vindictiveness and do their duty in a wise and becoming manner. It is, therefore, surprising to see some Liberal names among those who voted against Pandit Madan Mohan Malavia's motion i the Legislative Assembly to call attention to the action against Mr. Vallabhbhai. It is clear that unless Indian Liberals have a definite set of principles to which all members of the party are expected to adhere, they cannot claim to be a political party on the strength merely of being opposed to the National Congress. The history and principles of Indian Liberalism, as deducible from the practice of eminent leaders, from the subject of our leading article in this issue. 

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - March 22, 1930

President of Next Congress

Mahatma Gandhi having persisted in his refusal to accept the presidentship of the next session of the Indian National Congress, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who received the next largest number of votes from the Provincial Committees having likewise declined the responsibility, and new nominations not being permissible according to Congress rules, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was elected at the meeting of All India Congress Committee held at Lahore last week to the office. It was a case of more or less Hobson's choice with the Committee. The result has been received with enthusiasm by few and with frank misgivings by some organs of public opinion. Pandit Jawaharlal's own position is not an easy one. To the country at large he stands for independence of the British connection, but he is himself in the position of a captive balloon held down on one side by the pacific idealism of Mahatma Gandhi and on the other by the political realism of Pandit Motilal Nehru. The reasons given publicly by Mahatmaji are not necessarily all his reasons for insisting on the Junior Pandit's election this time to the Congress Presidentship. Politics, national as well as international, is now-a-days largely a matter of gestures, and Pandit Jawaharlal's presidentship is a gesture to the British Government. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru may be described as being the most moderate of extremists and Mahatma Gandhi has doubtless calculated the value of his co-operation in keeping the independence school within the bound of practical politics. On the whole, the choice is perhaps the best in the circumstances. 

Courtesy : INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER - October 5, 1929

MAHATMA GANDHI'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

Mahatma Gandhi begins his presidential address to the Belgaum National Congress with the statement that from September 1920 the Congress has been principally an institution for developing strength from within. "It has ceased to function by means of resolutions addressed to the Government for redress of grievances. It did so because it ceased to believe in the beneficial character of the existing system of Government. At the same time it was realised that the existence of the system depended upon the co-operation, whether conscious or unconscious, and, whether voluntary or forced, of the people. With the view therefore of mending or ending the system it was decided to try to begin withdrawing voluntary co-operation from the top." This was the genesis of the five-fold boycott, namely, of Government titles, law-courts, educational institutions, legislative bodies and foreign cloth. Mahatma Gandhi adds that though not a single boycott was anywhere near completion, every one of them had undoubtedly the effect of diminishing the prestige of the particular institution boycotted. This however, is only a negative result and it cannot be said that the object of " developing strength from within" has been advanced thereby, if, indeed, it has not developed some sort of weakness. But even this slight claim of Mahatmaji's is not supported by his own description on the next page of the state of the boycotts at the present time. "Whilst individuals hold firmly to their belief in non-co-operation," he says, "these boycotts cannot be worked as part of the National programme, unless the Congress is prepared to do without the classes directly affected. But I hold it to be just as impracticable to keep these classes out of the Congress as it would be now to keep the non-co-operators out." But "these classes" are themselves the non-co-operators who have given up the boycotts and among them are such leaders of Non-Co-operation as Mr. C. R. Das. Pandit Motilal Nehru, Mr. Gangadhar Rao Deshpande, Mr. Vithalbhai Patel, Mr. Srinivasa Iyengar, Mr. Prakasam and others. It is these leaders who have revolted against the Non-Co-operation programme. 

FIRST MUNICIPAL TAMIL SCHOOL IN BOMBAY (MUMBAI)

The Bombay Municipal Schools Committee of which Mr. V. J. Patel the new President of the Corporation, is the Chairman, deserve the Thanks of the South Indians of Bombay for having taken over the management of the Shri Ganesh Tamil School at Dharavi. In the Reformer of the 16th February, mention was made of the opening of a Night School by Mr. K. Natrajan for the South Indian backward communities residing in the neighbourhood of the tanneries at Dharavi where they are employed. It was found necessary to open a Day School for the children of the Tamil speaking tanners, and both these schools were being managed under the name of Sri Ganesh Tamil School by a Committee of which Mr. K. Natarajan, the Editor of this journal, was the Chairman and Mr. M. R. Jambunathan, an enthusiastic worker who had been for some months past interesting himself in the uplift of the South Indian Tanners, was the Secretary. At a meeting held on the 13th Instant to celebrate the Tamil New Year day, Mr. Natarajan in the course of his opening remarks, announced that the Municipal Schools Committee had resolved to comply with his representation to take charge of the School they were conducting and advised them to make the institution a success. There was a very large attendance on that day and the function. Which included playing on flute by Mr. M. R. Ananthakrishna Iyer, speeches by Messrs. M. R. Jambunathan and C. V. P. Shivam, distribution of sweets, Magic Lantern which was secured for the day through the courtesy f the Social Service League, music, singing of national songs etc.. was altogether a great success. The School was inspected by Mr. Kulkarni the Deputy Superintendent of Municipal Marathi Schools on Friday the 18th instant on which day the Municipal Schools Committee formally assumed charge of the institution. We are sure that under the management of the Municipal Schools Committee which will have the wholehearted co-operation of the members of the Sri Ganesh Schools Committee and others interested in the educational advance of the South Indian backward communities, the institution will have a successful career. 

Courtesy : The Indian Social Reformer - April 26, 1924

CONGRESS SITUATION IN GUJARAT

Praja Bandhu, Ahmedabad weekly,

Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel has been again appointed President of the Deskroi Taluka Samiti. At the last annual general meeting of the Daskroi Taluka Samiti held in the Premabhai Hall last Sunday he earnestly pressed for the appointment of some one else, but as none showed readiness to accept the post, he was unanimously asked to continue holding it. This is significant answer to those who were perpetually hounding him for the last three months. A local contemporary had opened its columns for his vilification, and till the last moment it had continued suggesting the appointment of better persons. But better persons were conspicuous by their absence, and the choice of the voters again fell on Mr. Vallabhbhai.

In fact there is no person abler and better fitted at present to lead Gujarat than Mr. Vallabhbhai. He is fearless in word and deed, but his fearlessness does not end in bravado. He takes a calmer view of the situation, and shapes his conduct accordingly. He realises that for the present the path of duty lies in silent, peaceful work among the masses. We are not yet prepared for offering civil disobedience. The inauguration of civil disobedience will bring in its train, as it has done in other Provinces, an awful reign of repression. The people will either resort to violence or will be cowed down. In either case the hands of our progress will be set back, and the forces of reaction will triumph.

Mahatma Gandhi saw all this from the outbreak at Chauri Chaura. He shuffled off his campaign of mass civil disobedience in Bardoli, and advised concentration on constructive work. Even at the time of his conviction and sentence to a long term of six years the one word that was on his lips was Khaddar. Khaddar will vitalise and unify India into a strong and united nation which no power on earth will keep under subjection. Mr. Vallabhbhai is but following the instructions of Mahatma Gandhi, and he has thereby incurred the wrath of some of his followers. He is organising the production and distribution of Khaddar without any speeches or demonstrations, and the people concluded that he is doing nothing.
Picketting is a kind of force to which Indians are not yet amenable. They see in it the violation of their natural rights, and they hesitate not to stop to the lowest means for opposing it. Wherever it has been used, it has aroused the bitterest feelings and has resulted in the worst forms of retaliatory measures. Mr. Vallabhbhai is not therefore wrong when he advises the giving up picketting and the reliance on personal example. The shining torch of personal example is more eloquent than picketting or preaching. If we improve ourselves the world cannot but be improved.

THE PUNJAB CONGRESS SITUATION - SARDAR PATEL

We have received a communique issued by the Punjab Congress Publicity Bureau-- this time, we are glad to say, in a fairly legible form. It is a review of the situation from the Congress point of view of the province during the week ending 30th June. The number of members of the Congress has again come up to 70000. The campaign against drink has been vigorously pressed forward. The sale of liquor in the whole province, we are told, has decreased considerably and habitual drinkers of intoxicants have become sober and temperate. This is indeed good news though it is attributed to "successful picketing." We are inclined to agree with the view expressed by Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel as to the unsuitableness of picketing in several parts of the country, but in the Punjab where the Araya Samaj the Sikh reform and other movements have prepared the way, the case may be different. We should have much liked some statistical data other than the number of picketers imprisoned, as to the fall in the sale of liquor and drunkenness. We are glad to see an attempt in this direction made as regards Khaddar 'Propaganda. As an instance of steady growth of production of tharka-made yarn and manufacture of Khaddar in Punjab villages, it is noted that "at Akalgarh, a village in Gujranwala, there are 617 charkhas in use daily and the outturn per day is one maund. There is a stock of 51 maunds yarn in the village at present and daring the last two months 18725 yards of khaddar have been made in 6o handlooms worked by 70 weavers." At the rate of a maund a day, 6o maunds of yarn would have been produced in two months, out of which 51 maunds remains In stock. Eighteen thousand yards of khaddar will, we fancy, require much more than 9 maunds of yarn, and where the weavers got the balance from is left to conjecture. Panchayats are said to be working satisfactorily in ll districts, but the best part of this communique is that referring to the abolition of untouchability. A grand dinner at which all castes and untouchables participated was attended by 1500 persons, including 100 ladies. The communique does not refer to the other important item of the Bardoli programme, namely, the promotions of brotherly feelings between all communities. Pandit Motilal Nehru speaking at Lahore last week stated that the Punjab witnesses before the Congress Enquiry Committee, which had just finished sitting at Lahore, deposed that Hindu Mahomedan relations in that province were not of the most harmonious kind, and he emphasised that Hindu-Mahomedan unity was a sine qua non of Swaraj. That definitely rules out the Punjab as regards fitness for civil disobedience. 

SCHEME OF SWARAJ

The Tribune, Lahore Daily, (Indipendent)

If we do want new body, and for our part we have said repeatedly that we do, it is because just at present the Congress is not fully representative of the country as a whole whether as regards the definiteness of its expressed ideal or as regards the methods on which it relies for the realisation of that ideal. Undoubtedly, as Mr. Patel pointed out, we all want the same thing, but that is a very different thing from saying that the country as a whole subscribes to the first ARticle of the Congress Creed as that Article is at present expressed. This in fact, is and has always been our strongest objection to the change in the Congress Creed. As regards methods the position is even worse, The liberals are totally opposed to non-co-operation, ad even the Independents do not believe that by itself and without vital modification it can lead the country to its goal within a measurable distance of time. It is just because this is so that we do want a new body, a body on which, as Pandit Malaviya said, all those who believe in the attainment of dominion self-government as the object of our political endeavour and in peaceful, legitimate and constitutional activity as the sole method by which that object is to be attained, should be represented. Such a body will, speaking broadly, carry out the idea of the Congress as of all other political bodies in the country, but for carrying it out, it will work along lines on which neither the present Congress nor any other body at present existing in the country can work, lines which will represent a synthesis of the cherished  and conflicting ideals and views of all sections of the party of self-government in the country. It will in other words present a common meeting ground for all these bodies for the formulation of a common programme, leaving each of the component units free to carry on its own work in its own way so long as neither the work nor the way is inconsistent with the general work and the general way of the country as a whole.

SOME ANCIENT HINDU INTERMARRIAGES

A correspondent writing in the Searchlight of Patna in support of Mr. Patel's bill to validate intermarriages among Hindus of all castes, gives a few striking instances of such marriages in ancient times when, he maintains, such unions were held valid and their issue regarded as legitimate. Rishi Vashishtha married one Akshamala, a woman of low caste. Roshi Mandapala married Shrangi, also a low caste woman. Rishi Jamadagni married Renuka, a Kshatriya princess and begot the illustrious Parasurama upon her. Rishi Vaishravana married one Kaikasi, the daughter of a Rakshasa name Sumali and begot upon her the celebrate Ravana, the King of Lanka, Kumbhakarana and Vibhishana. Rishi Goutama married the beautiful Ahalya who was a daughter of a Kshatriya king name Mudgala. Shatnanda, the family priest of King Janak was born out or this wedlock. King Dushyanta married Shakuntala, only a half Kshatriya girl begotten by the sage Vishvamitra upon Menaka, a nymph. King Bharata after whom India has been named Bharatvarsha, was the issue of this marriage. Lord Rama Chandra, married Sita, "a founding of unknown parentage, whom King Janaka had adopted as his daughter." The fact that she was the daughter of Earth or that she was born of a pitcher filled with the blood of Rishis, the correspondent holds, justifies him in holding that she had no caste at all. King Yayati, the famous King of the Lunar Dynasty, had two wives, namely, Devayani and Sharmistha, both of different castes from himself and as well as from each other. Devayani was a Brahmin and Sharmishtha was a Daitya by caste. Lord Shri Krishna was a descendant of this King Yayati through his Brahmin wife Devayani. King Shantanu, the common ancestor of the famous Kauravas and Pandavas, married Satyavati, the daughter of a fisherman and the progeny of this matrimony were held lawful successors to the throne of Hastinapur. The correspondent goes on to say:" Many will be amazed to hear that the foremost of the Hindu Rishis, namely, Vashista, Narada, Parasar, Vyasa and Baradvaja, whose work in Literature, Science, Art and Philosophy are still the object of wonder to foreigners, were born to parents as widely apart from each other in the scale of the Hindu Society as the two poles asunder. Vajra Such Upanishad (Vajrasuchyupanishad), attached to the Sama Veda, says that Vashishtha was the son of a woman of very low social position; Parasara, of a Chaandali; Narada, of a maidservant; Vyasa, the famous author of the Mahabharat, of a fisher-woman and Bhardwaja, a Shudri. As according to the Scriptures, the true criterion of a man's caste is his action and not his birth it matters very little to whatever castes his parents belong. But if we take birth as the criterion of a man's respectability, the most revered Rishis of the Hindus would be huried down to the lowest depth."

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - December 22, 1918 page 218