Swarajya - Sardar Patel

Swarajya - Sardar Patel

Swarajya :-

The animosity between each other should be forgotten. Discreminition of high and low, and untouchability, etc., should be discarded. People should now live as children of the one father. Swaraj as it was before in India - all the disputes were settled by the village panchayat, and to protect people the village elders used to kept the people of the village near their chest - the same swaraj will have to be brought now.

સ્વરાજ્ય :-

પોતપોતાના વેરભાવ ભુલી જવા જોઈએ. ઊંચનીચના ભેદભાવ અને છૂત-અછૂતના ભેદ છોડો. લોકોએ હવે એક બાપની ઓલાદ બની ને રહેવું જોઈએ. હિંદુસ્તાનમાં પહેલા જેવુ સ્વરાજ્ય હતું-બધાજ ઝગડા ગામની પંચાયતથી સુલઝાવતા, અને ગામના વડીલો ગામના લોકોને પોતાની છાતીસરસા રાખતા, અને તેઓની રક્ષા કરતા-એજ સ્વરાજ્ય હવે લાવવું પડશે. 

(પટેલને કહા થા - ડો. ગિરિરાજ શરણ - પેજ નં : ૧૪૦)

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Aatma Prashansha - Self Appreciation - Sardar Patel

Aatma Prashansha - Sardar Patel

Self Appreciation :-

A man himself cannot grow up by singing his own praises. The smallness or nobility of a human being manifests itself by his actions, behavior and attitude. Such people are so involved in their selfishness, that they think that they can hide their selfishness from the public eye by wearing the clothes of charity.

(Patel ne Kaha Tha - Dr. Giriraj Sharan - Page : 24)

आत्म प्रशंसा : - 

अपनी बडाई गा-गाकर आदमी स्वयं बडा नहीं हो सकता। मनुष्य का छोटापन या बडप्पन उसके काम, व्यवहार और मनोवृत्ति से आप ही प्रकट हो जाते हैं। इस प्रकार के लोग अपने स्वार्थ में इतने लिप्त हैं, कि वे समझते हैं कि अपने स्वार्थ को परमार्थ के कपडे पहनाकर जनता की आंख से छिपा सकते है।

(पटेल ने कहा था - डो. ग़िरिराज शरण - पेज नं : २४)

આત્મ પ્રશંસા :-

માણસ પોતે પોતાના ગુણગાન ગાઈને ક્યારેય મોટો થઈ શકતો નથી. માણસની નાનપ કે ખાનદાની તેના કાર્યો, વર્તન અને વલણથી પ્રગટ થાય છે. આવા લોકો પોતાના સ્વાર્થમાં એટલા સંડોવાયેલા હોય છે કે તેઓ વિચારે છે કે તેઓ પરમાર્થના વસ્ત્રો પહેરીને લોકોની નજરથી પોતાનો સ્વાર્થ છુપાવી શકે છે.

(પટેલને કહા થા - ડો. ગિરિરાજ શરણ - પેજ નં : ૨૪)

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Farmers - 7 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

Farmers - 7 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

I wish the farmers should be free from debt, but I wish more that farmer should be farmer, he should be a man, not living like an animal. Farmers have an unbearable burden of debt of moneylenders on their heads.
Date : 25 December 1937, Occasion : Addressing villagers of Rajpipla on revival of Cottage Industries to enrich farmers.

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Farmers - 6 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

Farmers - 6 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

I wish the farmers should be free from debt, but I wish more that farmer should be farmer, he should be a man, not living like an animal. Farmers have an unbearable burden of debt of moneylenders on their heads.

(Date : 25 December 1937, Occasion : Addressing villagers of Rajpipla on revival of Cottage Industries to enrich farmers.)

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Farmers - 5 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

Farmers - 5 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

The bird which is habituated to live in a cage, if it is made free by the person who maintains it, then it gets scared, and again returns to the cage. Similarly if the farm-owners free the labours, they will return to their master because they have no hatred towards slavery.

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Farmers - 4 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

Farmers - 4 - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

Only the person who shoulders the responsibility of protecting and maintaining his wife and family has the right to marry. One who cannot do that should not marry.

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Farmers - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

Farmers - સરદાર વાણી - सरदार वाणी

To Farmers : -

There is nothing to be gained from the loyalty of a cowardly and cringing public. . . The brave man, who has inspired this fight however, is capable of converting the cowardly into the bravest of persons.

(Date : 31 March 1918, Occasion : Addressing the peasants of Kheda district of Gujarat during Kheda Satyagraha.)

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Karamsad

કરમસદ પ્રત્યે મારો સ્નેહ...

એક સવાલ મારા મન માં સદાય હતો કે જ્યારે સરદાર પટેલ આઝાદી ની લડત લડતા હતા અને સ્વતંત્ર ભારત ને નવો આકાર આપતા હતા ત્યારે કરમસદ ગામ માં શું પ્રવ્રુતિઓ ચાલી રહી હતી? આ સવાલ નો જવાબ શોધતા મને જે વિગતો પ્રાપ્ત થઈ એમાં કરમસદ ગામનો મારા જન્મ પહેલાંનો ઈતિહાસ આટલો રસપ્રદ હશે એ મે કદીએ વિચાર્યુ નહોતું, માનવી ની ઉત્સુકતા જ માનવી ને કાંઇક કરવાની પ્રેરણા આપે છે. આપણા પુર્વજો એ કેટકેટલા સદકરમ કર્યા એટલે જ કદાચ આ ગામનું પહેલાં થી જ નામ કરમસદ છે, જે સદાય સદ કરમ કરવા ની પ્રેરણા આપતું હતું, છે અને રહેશે….

કરમસદ ગામે ભારતના જગવિખ્યાત રાજ પુરુષો અને અનન્ય દેશભક્તો સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વિઠ્ઠલભાઈ પટેલ અને સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ જેઓને આપણે સરદાર પટેલના નામે જાણીએ જ છીએ. આ જ ગામની દિકરી સદા આદરણીય શ્રીમતી મણીબેન પટેલ કે જેમણે પોતાના પિતાની દેશભક્તિ અને દેશદાઝ માટે પોતાના જીવન ની આહુતી પિતાના ચરણોમાં આર્પી, કરમસદ ગામના જ શ્રી બાબુભાઈ પટેલ જેઓનું આપણે બાબુભાઈ શહીદ સ્મારક કરમસદના જુના બજાર પાસે બનાવેલ છે. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે રાષ્ટ્રીય ચળવળમાં પણ પોતાનો ખુબજ મોટો ફાળો આપેલ છે.

કરમસદ ગ્રામ પંચાયત ની સ્થાપના ૨૫-૧૨-૧૯૪૦ ના રોજ કરવા માં આવેલ જે “અ” વર્ગ ની ગ્રામ પંચાયત તરીકે સ્થાપાયેલ, જે આજે નગરપાલિકા બની છે. ૧૯૫૪ માં કરમસદ નું ક્ષેત્રફળ ૬.૧ ચો. માઈલ, ઘરો : ૨૧૮૫, કુટુંબ : ૨૩૮૫ અને વસ્તી માં પુરુષો : ૬૩૭૨, સ્ત્રી : ૪૬૪૬ એમ કુલ ૧૮૦૧૮ હતી. આણંદ – ખંભાત ની રેલ્વે લાઈન ઉપર્નું આણંદ પછીનું સ્ટેશન. ગામ નાં ઘણાં લોકો દેશનાં મોટા શહેરોમાં અને પરદેશ ખાસ કરીને પુર્વ આફ્રિકા માં વસતા હતા અને આર્થિક રીતે સધ્ધર હતા, છે અને રહેશે.

ગામમાં લાખિયો કુવો, ખારો કુવો, રબારી નો કુવો અને મોટો કુવો એ મુખ્ય અને મોટા કુવા હતા, તે સિવાય નાની કુઈઓ પણ ઘણી હતી, આજે આ કયા સ્વરુપ માં છે તે મને ખબર નથી. એ વખતે શ્રી જશભાઈ જીવાભાઈ પટેલ પોતાનું ખાનગી વોટર વર્ક્સ ગામમાં ચલાવતા, ગ્રામપંચાયત તરફથી નવુ મોટું વોટર વર્ક્સ કરવાની યોજના કરવામાં આવેલ. સરદાર પટેલના સ્વપ્ન વલ્લભ વિધ્યાનગર ઉભું કરવા માટે કરમસદ ગામ ના લોકો એ પોતાની જમીનો ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ હતી. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે ઉદ્યોગિકરણ અને યુવાનનો ને રોજગારી મળે તે માટે જરૂરી જમીન વિઠ્ઠલ ઉદ્યોગનગર માટે આપેલ, તથા આરોગ્ય – તબીબી સેવા માટે જમીનની જરૂર પડતા કરમસદ ગામે પોતાની જમીનો ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ જે આજે શ્રી ક્રિષ્ના હોસ્પિટલ / ચારૂતર આરોગ્ય મંડળ તરીકે જાણીતી બની છે અને આ જમીનો આપવા માટે મુખ્ય ઉદ્દેશ સમાજ તથા આવનાર પેઢીને મદદરૂપ બનવા માટેનો જ હતો. ગામ માં ૧૯૫૧થી એક દવાખાનું ચાલે છે અને આ દવાખાનાનું મકાન શ્રી પુનમભાઈ નરસિંહ ભાઈ પટેલે તથા પ્રસુતી ગ્રુહનું મકાન શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ હાથીભાઈ પટેલે બંધાવેલ. જેને આપણે સ્ટેશન રોડ ઉપર આવેલ સરકારી દવાખાના તરીકે ઓળખીએ છીએ. શ્રી ઠાકોરભાઈ પટેલ (વૈધ) કરમસદ બસ સ્ટેંડ પાસે બાલ મંદિર નું મકાન પણ બંધાવેલ છે. જેને આજે આપણે જુનું બાલમંદીર પણ કહીએ છે.

સરદાર વલ્લભાઈ પટેલ હાઇસ્કુલ શ્રી સોમાભાઈ મીઠાભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી અંબાલાલ હાથીભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી મણીભાઈ બાબરભાઈ પટેલ ના વડીલ પરિવાર દ્વારા ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક બંધવામાં દાન આપેલ અને નાની નાની રકમ નું દાન કરવામાં પણ ટુકડે ટુકડે સવલત અનુસાર આપવા ની વ્યવસ્થા કરેલ જે કરમસદ કેળવણી મંડળ ના જુના વાર્ષિક આહેવાલો થી પણ માલુમ પડે છે.

૧૯૫૪ થી આજ દિન સુધી કુમાર શાળા અને કન્યા શાળા અલગ અલગ ચાલે છે. તેમાં કન્યાશાળા સંવત ૨૦૦૩માં ગામ નાં શ્રી ત્રિભોવનદાસભાઈ ખુશાલભાઈ પટેલ અને તેઓના ભાઈ શ્રી કાશીભાઈ પટેલ અને શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ પટેલ એ તેમના કાકી શ્રીમતી સાકરબાના સ્મર્ણાર્થે રૂપિયા ૧,૩૫,૦૦૦=૦૦ ના ખર્ચે તળાવ ઉપર “પાટીદાર નિવાસ” (ધર્મશાળા) બંધાવેલ જે આજે સાકરબા કન્યાશાળા ના નામે ઓળખાય છે, અને એ વખતે કુમારશાળા નું મકાન સાકડું હોવાથી બીજા મકાનો પણ ભાડે રાખી ને પણ ગામ ના સંતાનો ને ભણવા માટે સગવડ કરી આપેલ, ભણતર ની સાથે સાથે પુસ્તકાલય પણ જરૂરી છે અને આ માટે શ્રી શિવાભાઈ દાદાભાઈ પટેલ એ મકાન બંધાવી આપેલ જેનું નામ “વિદ્યાર્થી સમાજ પુસ્તકાલય” તરીકે આજે પણ જાણીતું છે. જેમાં છાપા ઉપરાંત ૭૦૦૦ જેટલા પુસ્તકો પણ ૧૯૫૪ દરમ્યાન હતાં.

આજ કાલ ખાનગી બસ સેવા આણંદ થી કરમસદ ચાલે છે તથા બીજા અન્ય સ્થળો માટે પણ ચાલે છે, પરંતુ કદાચ અપણે નહિ જાણતા હોઈએ કે આ ખાનગી બસ સેવા ની શરુઆત વર્ષ ૧૯૫૪ પહેલા કરમસદ થી આણંદ જવા ખાનગી બસ સર્વિસ ચાલતી હતી જેમાં એક બસ ખાસ વલ્લભ વિદ્યાનગર વિધ્યાર્થી ઓ ને લેવા-મુકવા ની વ્યવસ્થા પણ હતી.. આપ સમજી શકો છો કે કરમસદ ના લોકો ની દિર્ગદ્રષ્ટી કેટલી હતી અને જે પોતાની આગવી બસ સર્વિસ એ જમાના માં ચલાવતું હતું. અને આજે આપણા જ ગામના પાટીદાર ના વિચારો નું કોઈ એ અનુકરણ કરે તો તે બાબતે હું પોતે તો ગર્વ અનુભવું છું અને આવું જ ભવિષ્ય માં પણ થવું જોઈએ.

સમય, શક્તિ, ધન, બુધ્ધિ, દરેક રીતે ગામ અને સમાજ ને સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે મદદરૂપ થાય તે બધાને દાતા કહી શકાય… એ જમાનામાં ટેક્નોલોજીનો અભાવ / ઉપયોગ પણ નહી થતો હોય, જો આમ છતાં વડિલો તથા મહાનુભાવોએ કરી બતાવ્યુ તો આપણે તો આજ ની યુવા પેઢી ટેક્નોલોજી સાથે બહુજ સારી રીતે માહિત્ગાર છે તો આપણે કરમસદ માટે તો કાંઈક એવા કાર્યો કરી જ શકીએ કે જેથી કરીને આપણા મા-બાપ, આવનારી નવી યુવા પેઢી, ગામ અને સૌથી ઉપર સમાજ પણ ગૌરવ અનુભવશે.

એવું નથી કે કરમસદમાં કદીએ મુશ્કેલીઓ નથી આવી પરંતુ કરમસદ સદાય એ મુશ્કેલીઓ નો સામનો કરી ને કરમસદે સદાય પોતાની આગવી ઓળખ ઉભી કરી છે અને ભવિષ્યમાં પણ કરશે…

ભુતકાળ ના અનુભવો થી વર્તમાન જીવવા થી ભવિષ્ય સદાય ઉજ્જ્વળ બને છે એવુ મારુ મનવું છે.

આ સિવાય ગામ ના કોઇ મહાન કે પ્રતિષ્ઠિત વ્યક્તિ / વડીલ નું નામ મારા થી ધ્યાન બહાર ગયેલ હોય તો પુત્ર / મિત્ર સમજી માફ કરજો અને ઈરાદપુર્વક નથી તેની હું ખાત્રી આપું છું. તથા હું માનું છુ કે મે કોઇ સ્વર્ગસ્થ વડિલ કે મહાનુભાવના નામ ની આગળ સ્વ. નથી કહેલ એનું એકજ કારણ કે દરેકે દરેક સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે આપણી વચ્ચે કે આપણા હ્ર્દય માં સદા જીવંત છે, હતાં અને રહેશે.

સરદાર પટેલ અમર રહો..

MUNICH AGREEMENT or POLITICAL BLACKMAIL?

The idea of calling upon all Congress Provincial Government to resign because the Thakore of Rajkot has not conformed to his undertaking with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel or because the authorities at Jaipur do not want the presence of Mr. Jamnalal Bajaj within their borders, recalls the delightful Elia Essay about the Chinaman who first discovered that pork was a delicacy. Neither of these potentates is under any obligation to acknowledge the excellence of parliamentary government as the panacea for all the ills they and their subjects are suffering from. The Viceroy, no doubt, is anxious to have the provincial part of the Government of India Act to continue to function under their present Governments as it provides the strongest argument in favour of and the best hope for the acceptance of the Federal part. But there is a limit beyond which he can not go even for this purpose. Otherwise, it would be better to scrap the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole administration, British India and the States, to the Congress hierarchy. The wobbling methods of the Government of India have created confusion all round. The are unfair both to the States and to British India outside the Congress. They are unfair to the Congress also. Though the leaders do not seem to realise it the position of the Congress in the light of the frequent appeals to the Viceroy for intervention is exactly that of Indian States which also look to him for protection. Unless there is a "Munich Agreement" between Lord Linlithgow and Gandhiji, these frequent calls upon his powers as Crown representative to intervene at the threat of withdrawing the Congress ministries from eight provinces looks unpleasantly like political blackmail. One advantage of Mr. Subhash Bose's taking over control of the Congress would be to get rid of the camouflage which obscures the real issues of politics at the present day.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 11-02-1939

SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - NOVEMBER 23, 1946

In moving a resolution relating to the Interim Government Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explained the difficulties that stood in the way of the Central Government's intervention in Provincial matters, such as the Calcutta and Noakhali disturbances. He declared that he had warned Bengal's leaders who saw him after the Calcutta riots that East Bengal was bound to be the next scene of trouble. He told them "If you want independence you must learn to defend yourselves and your neighbours and other helpless people. You should not run to the army or the police for protection."

Replying to critics who spoke or non-violence and avoidance of civil strife Sardar Patel reiterated his conviction that the sword must be met by the sword. Mahatma Gandhi said it was better to use violence than to be a coward. Non-violence was a weapon which it was beyond the power of ordinary men to use, and, therefore, Sardar Patel urged people to adopt violence in self-defence and only in self-defence, or in defence of neighbours. He gave this advice because the present Central Government during the transference of power was in a state of paralysis. 

VANDE MATARAM

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SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - JULY 6th, 1948

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel seconding the resolution said that the resolution covered the two statements by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy of May 16 and June 16. The Working Committee had accepted the Mission's proposals contained in their statement of May 16 but rejected the Provisional Government proposal contained in their statement of June 16.

Making it clear that the resolution just moved by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad could not be amended in any manner Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel said, "WE PLACE THIS RESOLUTION BEFORE THE HOUSE FOR RATIFICATION. EITHER YOU ACCEPT IT OR REJECT IN TOTO."

"Four Parties, the Cabinet Mission, the Congress, the Muslim League and the Indian Princes, have accepted the constitutional plau envisaged in the State Paper issued by the Cabinet Mission on May 16. All vital details connected with the negotiations have been fully published. You are aware the Muslim League first accepted the May 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission. We deferred our decision until the full picture was available to us, namely, of the Constituent Assembly and the Interim Provisional Government. The Interim Government plan was published in the June 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy. We decided to reject this proposal as it did not accord with our demands. We however decided to accept the Constituent Assembly scheme contained in the May 10 statement. We have made it clear to the Cabinet Mission that the proposed Constituent Assembly will not prove a success if a responsible, representative Provisional Government at the Centre is not established soon. They have made it clear that the Care-taker Government will be there only for a few days. 

Consistent with the existing circumstances we have secured the widest franchise possible for the election to the Constituent Assembly. The most dangerous proposal in the Constituent Assembly scheme is the one relating to Grouping. Our interpretation of the relevant paragraph in the State Paper is that the provinces are free to decide at the initial stage whether they wish to join a particular Group in which they have been placed. No province can be compelled to join any Group against its own wishes. 

The difficulty about Europeans participating in the voting to the Constituent Assembly election has been practically overcome. We have thus secured a Constituent Assembly almost on the lines we have demanded all these years. Furthermore, under the proposed scheme the transfer of power from British to Indian hands will be smooth and peaceful. It is therefore, our conviction that we should take advantage of the scheme and not plunge the country in struggle.

At the very commencement of our negotiations with the Cabinet Delegation we made it clear to them that we could talk to them only on the basis of a free and independent India. The British Cabinet Mission accepted this and made it clear that their acceptance of our demand was without any reservation. In the face of such assurance it is difficult for us not to believe them.

We have also made sure that there shall be one undivided India with one Central Government. What the shape of that Central Government will be, is a matter for the Constituent Assembly to decide. The Muslim League sees germs of Pakistan in the scheme. We see a United India. It is for the Constituent Assembly to decide who is right."

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to the great injustice done to the great Sikh community in the Cabinet Mission's proposals and said that the Sikhs had not been consulted before they were thrown, bound hand and foot, into the "B" Group. Their being put in "B" Group without their consent naturally placed the at a disadvantageous position and therefore they were smarting under the sense of a grievance. Furthermore, the speaker could not see any reason why the Sikhs were not given the same safeguards and communal veto as had been given to the Muslims. He was opposed to all vetoes but once such a veto had been given to the Muslims he could not see the reason why it was refused in the case of the Sikhs. The Sikhs are a brave people and it is unwise to disregard their just demand.

Referring to the Indian States, Sardar Patel welcomed the Cabinet Mission's statement saying that once India was independent there would be no further paramountcy. The Cabinet Mission's statement had made it clear that in future that States rulers would have to look more and more to their own subjects rather than to the Paramount Power if they wanted progress. The question of representation in the Constituent Assembly of States people had not been decided, but he hoped that the Indian princes would provide adequate representation for their people in the Constituent Assembly.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to numerous telegrams he was daily receiving seeking admission into the Constituent Assembly as delegates and said that this urge, coupled with the unanimous support the nationalist Press had given to the Congress in its decision to accept the proposal, clearly showed the verdict of the country in favour of the Congress Working Committee's decision.

Source : Making of the Indian Constitution 

VANDE MATARAM

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Architect of Swaraj - 7

It again fell to the lot of Patel as Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee to raise funds, select candidates and to campaign for the election. In spite of his ill-health he undertook the task. As in 1937 Sardar proved himself equal to the task. The election results were a tribute to his organizing capacity. The Congress had been outlawed during the past three years and Jinnah had utilizing his genius, though negative to strengthen his party with the slogan "Islam in danger", "Congress is a Hindu Party." It was feared that Congress might not fare too well. But thanks to the efforts of Patel Congress won 91% of the general seats in the Central Legislature and a clear majority in eight provinces.

Prime Minister Attlee sent a Cabinet Mission to help India to attain her freedom as speedily and as fully as possible. To resolve the Congress-League differences a special Conference was called in Simla in which representatives of both the parties participated. The Congress was opposed to partition and the League insisted on it. Faced with a deadlock the Cabinet Mission its own proposal on May 16. 

The plan did not agree for the creation of Pakistan but still it appealed to the Muslim League for it provided for the States and the groups of States right of secession. And for that very reason Sardar Patel called the plan cumbersome and was rather unhappy about it. But still Congress accepted the plan. The League also accepted it but with reservation. When the time came for the formation of Interim Government, the Congress refused the concede the demand of the League to nominate all the Muslim members. Jinnah had hoped that if the Congress refused to form a Government he would be called to do so. But Wavell saw no point in forming a Government without the Congress and he dropped the idea of the formation of Interim Government. The infuriated Jinnah. He accused the British Government and announced in a mood of frustration that "Today we bid good bye to constitutional method." He fixed August 16 as "Direct Action Day".

In atmosphere of high tension, mutual distrust and communal riots, the Viceroy wanted to divest himself of responsibility and invited Jawaharlal Nehru, the President of the Congress, to form an Interim Government alone if Jinnah's co-operation was not forthcoming. Jinnah was furious at the way he had been snubbed. His prestige had gone down. But he was a shrewd man and tactfully he opened negotiations with the Viceroy and told him that the League was keen to join the Council. The Viceroy agreed and the five members of the League joined the Council on October 26th. The aim of these members was not to co-operate but to sabotage the Government from within. 

Even after joining the coalition Government League members continued to incite people to violence. The League supplied arms and weapons and serious riots broke out in Noakhali and Tipperah Districts on October 15. Plunder, destruction of property, murder and dishonoring of women were perpetrated on large scale. The Prime Minister issued a statement on February 20 which implied that the country would have to be partitioned unless Congress and the League united. 

Encouraged by Attlee's statement the League resorted once again with redoubled force to "Direct Action" in Assam and the Punjab. It was in this critical and frightful situation that Lord Mountbatten was sworn in as the new Viceroy on March 24, 1947. With the arrival of Lord Mountbatten things began to move fast. Even before his arrival Sardar Patel was convinced after working for about seven months with the League Ministers that partition was the only way out. 

Patel's reason for accepting partition were: "I agreed to partition as a last resort", said Sardar Patel, "When we should have lost all. Five Members of Muslim League had established themselves as Minister of the Interim Government with the sole object of partitioning the Country. We decided that partition should be agreed upon on the terms that Punjab and Bengal should be partitioned. I made further condition that in two months time power should be transferred and an Act should be passed by Parliament during that time guaranteeing that Britain would not interfere with the question of the Indian States. We will deal with the question.... Let paramountcy be dead."

TO BE CONTINUE…..

Courtesy : ARCHITECT OF SWARAJ

Page – 90-91

SWARAJ

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