END OF THE RAJKOT FAST

Whatever one may think of fasting as a method of solving social and political deadlocks and whatever one may think of its application to the Rajkot case, all will be glad that Gandhiji broke his fast on Tuesday. During the four days and half of its duration, Gandhiji's strength appreciably waned, and its continuance even for a few days longer would have been attended with grave risk to his life. According to Gandhiji's own avowal, it is due entirely to the Viceroy that this calamity was averted. Gandhiji, too has contributed to the happy result by not standing out for the terms of his ultimatum to the Thakore Sahib. The Thakore Sahib too has acted wisely in consenting to the points in dispute in the correspondence between himself and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, being referred to the adjudication of the Chief Justice of India. The Sardar's consent may be presumed from the acceptance of the condition by Gandhiji who has taken the conduct of the Rajkot affair where the Sardar left it. We are glad of this result not only because it puts an end to what had degenerated into a personal squabble between the Thakore Sahib and Sardar Patel, but also and even more, because it has created an atmosphere of genuine friendliness and goodwill in which the question of constitutional reform in British India and the States can be advanced further.  Lord Linlithgow's handling of this very delicate situation has been so satisfactory as to induce Gandhiji to forego his much-desired visit to the Congress now in session at Tripura, in order that he might meet the Viceroy at the first opportunity when he is fit to travel to Delhi. Evidently he feels that there is more important work to be done in Delhi than in Tripura. This we believe, is the first session of the Congress which Gandhiji has left to be conducted by his coadjutors without his personal guidance since it adopted the creed of non-cooperation. In view of the differences which have arisen over the election of Mr. Subhas Bose to the Presidentship, and the resignation of the majority of members of the Working Committee, Gandhiji's presence and services as conciliator will be much missed at Tripura. The article on the Rajkot fast on another page was written two days before its sudden end.

 

Source : Indian Social Reformer - March 11, 1939

MUNICH AGREEMENT or POLITICAL BLACKMAIL?

The idea of calling upon all Congress Provincial Government to resign because the Thakore of Rajkot has not conformed to his undertaking with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel or because the authorities at Jaipur do not want the presence of Mr. Jamnalal Bajaj within their borders, recalls the delightful Elia Essay about the Chinaman who first discovered that pork was a delicacy. Neither of these potentates is under any obligation to acknowledge the excellence of parliamentary government as the panacea for all the ills they and their subjects are suffering from. The Viceroy, no doubt, is anxious to have the provincial part of the Government of India Act to continue to function under their present Governments as it provides the strongest argument in favour of and the best hope for the acceptance of the Federal part. But there is a limit beyond which he can not go even for this purpose. Otherwise, it would be better to scrap the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole administration, British India and the States, to the Congress hierarchy. The wobbling methods of the Government of India have created confusion all round. The are unfair both to the States and to British India outside the Congress. They are unfair to the Congress also. Though the leaders do not seem to realise it the position of the Congress in the light of the frequent appeals to the Viceroy for intervention is exactly that of Indian States which also look to him for protection. Unless there is a "Munich Agreement" between Lord Linlithgow and Gandhiji, these frequent calls upon his powers as Crown representative to intervene at the threat of withdrawing the Congress ministries from eight provinces looks unpleasantly like political blackmail. One advantage of Mr. Subhash Bose's taking over control of the Congress would be to get rid of the camouflage which obscures the real issues of politics at the present day.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 11-02-1939

THE RAJKOT IMBROGLIO

The Public have now before it the correspondence in the shortlived Rajkot revolution between the Thakore and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, between Mr. Patel and Sir P. Caddell, Gandhiji's statement thereon and the Government of India's communique dealing with Gandhiji's demand that the Government should interfere and call upon the Thakore to carry out his undertaking to Sardar Patel. It will be difficult for the impartial historian perusing these documents, say, fifty years hence, to conclude that the Sardar or Gandhiji comes out best in the controversy. it will be equally difficult for him to avoid concluding that Sir Patrick Cadell is the one party in the correspondence who has acted with perfect candour and loyalty to the Thakore Sahib who engaged him as Chief Minister. The Thakore Sahib avows that his object in taking on Sir Patrick was that he should put down the agitation of his subject. Sir Patrick Cadell when he came into office and looked into the grievances of the people, found that there were just causes for them and that the Thakore Sahib, his master, has been very neglectful in the discharge of his duties as ruler of the State. He told the Thakore Sahib this and exhorted him to devote more attention to the affairs of the State and be more accessible to his subjects. The Thakore did not like this plan speaking. He, in fact, resented it and dispensed with the Dewan's services on the plea that so long as he was in Rajkot the people will look up to him and not to himself, their ruler, as the fountain of power. The Resident had to intervene at this stage and to remind the Thakore that the Government of India had approved of the appointment of Sir Patrick on the distinct understanding that it will last for a term of not less than six months. The Thakore, thereupon, withdrew his order. At the same time he opened negotiations with Sardar Patel and he reached an agreement with him apparently without the knowledge and certainly without consent of his responsible Minister. This agreement enabled him to oust Sir Patrick from his office and to bring back the old Dewan. The Thakore rejected some of the Sardar's nominees to the Committee on constitutional reform and appointed others on the ground that minority rights were ignored by the Sardar. GAndhiji at this stage came out with his call on the Government of India to compel the Thakore to accept the Sardar's nominees. That Government , to be fair has shown itself willing to help him whenever it can as in the Orissa Governorship. But it has to maintain appearances at least in its dealings with States. The call made upon it to overrule the Thakore, argued Gandhiji, was not a call for intervention. We do not know what else it is. The Government has in a closely reasoned statement shown that it cannot possibly comply with Gandhiji's invitation, much as it would have been happy to do so could it have done so. We must record our emphatic protest against the venerable and venerated person of Mr. Kasturba Gandhi being dragged into this sordid agitation.

RAJKOT AGAIN

The primary school where Mahatma Gandhi studied.

Commenting on the arrangement come to by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel with the Thakore of Rajkot, we observed that it did not advance by a single inch the cause of constitutional reform in Indian States including Rajkot itself. Little prescience was needed to reach that conclusion. The game of Power is an ancient one. Under different names it has been and is going on around us every day. A revolution is followed by a counter revolution as surely as the night the day. And this was a wonderful evolution! The Thakore was converted overnight from a believer in his right to rule autocratically to a seemingly fervent devotee of responsible government with his powers strictly limited. It would have been nothing short of a miracle if this had endured. It has not. As the public clamour against the Thakore's administration grew, the Indian Dewan Viravala, was dismissed and an English retired officer appointed in his place. The new Dewan's advice, however, was not palatable to the Thakore. He dismissed the English Dewan and the Sardar, if we remember, expressed himself disapprovingly of his action in trying to get rid of so experienced an administrator. Mr. Viravala had to leave Rajkot at short notice. The Thakore then agreed to Sardar's terms and got his help in clearing the English Dewan out and in getting back the man whom he had to dismissed in compliance with popular pressure. Now, the Thakore has resumed his authority and upset the arrangement with Sardar Patel who is an amateur in the game as compared with the Thakore Sahib. The Sardar has threatened to revive satyagraha but Mr. Viravala is not Cadell and the Government of India is not likely to supersede him now by an English Dewan. The local leaders are not plussed, they have sought the advice of the Sardar who himself seems to be taken a back by the sudden turn events have taken in Rajkot, which he thought he had finally and permanently placed on constitutional footing.

Source : Indian Social Reformer : 28 January 1939

VANDE MATARAM

RAJKOT

The Thakore Sahib of Rajkot, has after an eight hours parley with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel agreed to appoint a Committee consisting of a majority of members of the principal political organization in the State, to draw up a scheme of responsible government for his people. This does not advance by a single inch the cause of constitutional reform in Indian States including Rajkot. What has really happened, if nothing supervenes to annual it, is that Sardar Patel has become Mayor of the Palace and the Thakore Sahib and his subjects will have henceforth to submit to his rule. It will be very good thing for the State because Sardar Patel is an exceedingly capable and resolute administrator. His success in toning p the municipal administration of Ahmedabad during his presidentship of the Municipality wrung a tribute of praise from an unsympathetic Minister in the previous diarchy. But political agitators will have short shrift at his hands and the men and women who helped him in this palace revolution, unless they acquire a loyalist mentality will feel his hand as heavy on them as on the Thakore Sahib.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 31 December 1938

VANDE MATARAM