In 1927 Sardar Patel describe cities during his speech in Surat

In 1927 Sardar Patel describe cities during his speech in Surat

૧૯૨૭ માં પહેલી સ્થાનિક સ્વરાજ પરિષદના પ્રમુખપદેથી સુરતમાં લોકોને સંબોધન કરતી વખતે સરદાર પટેલે શહેરો નું વર્ણન કર્યું તે ત્યાં ઊભેલા દરેકને ગળે ઊતરે તેવું હતું તેમણે કહ્યું :

આપણાં શહેરો નથી શહેરોમાં ને નથી ગામડામાં. શહેરોમાં વસતા છતાં અરધા લોકો તો ગ્રામજીવન ગાળતા હોય એવી દશામાં જીવે છે. અરધા મકાનોમાં પાયખાના નથી. પોતાના ઘરનો કચરો નાખવાની જગ્યા નથી. સાંકડી ગલીઓમાં અને ગીચ વસ્તી વચ્ચે રહેવા છતાં ઢોર રાખે છે. કેટલાય રબારીઓ ગાયોના ટોળાં શહેરો વચ્ચે રાખે છે. રસ્તાઓ પર ઠેકઠેકાણે ટોળેટોળાં ઢોર આથડતા હોય છે. સામાન્ય રીતે લોકો આરોગ્ય અને સફાઈના નિયમો જાળવવામાં અતિશય શિથિલ છે અને આવી બાબતમાં નથી સ્વધર્મ સમજતા કે નથી પાડોશીધર્મ જાણતા. પોતાના ઘરનો કચરો પડોશીને બારણે ફેંકવામાં કશું ખોટું માન્યતા નથી. મેડાની બારીથી કે છજામાંથી કચરો નાખતા કે પાણી ઢોળતા આચકાતા નથી. આપણી સ્થાનિક સ્વરાજની સંસ્થાઓ જોતાં ને આપણાં શહેરોમાં પ્રવેશ કરતાં પરદેશીઓને કોઈ જગ્યાએ સ્વરાજનું ચિન્હ માલૂમ પડે એવું નથી. ગમે ત્યાં થૂંકવાની, ગમે ત્યાં લઘુશંકાએ બેસવાની, ગમે ત્યાં ગંદકી કરવાની લોકોને ટેવો છે. ગામડાંની સ્થિતિ શહેરો કરતાં સારી નથી. કોઈ પણ ગામમાં પેસે તો ઉકારડાના ઢગલા નજરે પડશે. ગામના તળાવની આસપાસ ગામનું પાયખાનું બની ગયું છે. ગામના કૂવાની આજુબાજુ કીચડ થાય છે અને પાણી સાદે છે. આવી સ્થિતિમાં સરકારની સામે જોઈને બેસી રહેવું એને હું મહા પાપ ગણું છું. 

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16-07-1934 What did Sardar Patel tell the people of Mumbai about the government's challenge?

What did Sardar Patel tell the people of Mumbai about the government's challenge?

16th July 1934

जेल से छुटने के बाद रविवार की शाम कांग्रेस हाउस परिसर में सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेलने बंबई की जनता को, खासतौर से कांग्रेस सोशलिस्ट पार्टीके लोगो को, पहली बार पूरी गरमाहट के साथ उद्बबोधित किया कि आगामी कांग्रेस अधिवेशन को पूर्ण रूप से सफल बनाए और कांग्रेस कार्यकर्ताओ के बीच फूट न पडने दे।

आगे बढते हुए सरदार वल्लभभाई ने कहा कि जब वह जेल में थे तो अनेक राजनीतिक परिवर्तन हुए हैं, किंतु स्वाधीनता की लडाई जो एक बार शुरू हो गई है, वह तब तक कभी बंध नही होगी जब तक लक्ष्य प्राप्त नही हो जाता। यह जगजाहिर था कि वह परिषद में प्रवेश लेने के कट्टर विरोधी थे। किंतु अब जब कांग्रेसने इस कार्यक्रम के लिए निर्णय्ह ले लिया है तो वह इस निर्णय का पूरी निष्ठा के साथ पालन करेंगे। जो कदम कांग्रेस ने उठा लिया है, उसके बारे में अब प्रश्न करने से कोई लाभ नहीं है। लोग स्वयं ऐसी स्थिति पैदा करने के लिए जिम्मेदार है, जिसके कारण यह कदम उठाने की आवश्यकता पडी। यदि स्थिति भिन्न होती तो परिषद में प्रवेश की बात करने की कोई हिम्मत नही करता।

"अब विचार-वस्तु बिलकुल स्पष्ट था। चुनाव लडने का निर्णय कर लेने के बाद अब उनका यह कर्तव्य है कि वे यह सुनिश्चित करे कि विधानसभा पर अधिकर कर लेंगे। उनकि प्रतिष्ठा दांव पर थी। सरकारने एक चुनौति दी थी और कांग्रेस ने उसे स्वीकार किया था। वर्तमान समय यह विचार करने का नहीं था कि उन्होने सही कदम उठाया या गलत ! वोट देने के अपने अधिकार का पूरा-पूरा इस्तेमाल करेंं और यह सुनिश्चित करेंंकि अधिक से अधिक कांग्रेस जन विधानसभा में निर्वाचित होकर पहुंचे। तब मेरे पास आइए और मैं आपको रास्ता दिखाउंगा।

उन्होने दुहराया कि परिषद में प्रवेश के कार्यक्रम में जिन लोगो का विश्वास है, वे कांग्रेस में अपनी निष्ठा के कारण कांग्रेस प्रत्याशी का समर्थन करने के लिए बाध्य हैं। अपने इस कर्तव्य का पालन कर लेने के बाद वे सरदार के पास आ सकते है। तब वे उन्हें रास्ता दिखाएंगे।

आगामी चुनावों में कांग्रेस प्रत्याशी की सफलता या विफलता अत्याधिक महत्व रखती है। चुनावों में बहुमत न प्राप्त कर पाने का अर्थ सरकार की दमनकारी नीतियोंं और महात्मा गांधी के बंदीकरण का औचित्य समझा जाएगा"।

बोम्बे क्रोनिकल 

१६ जुलाई १९३४

संदर्भ : भारत विभाजन

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Confessions of Pandit Nehru

It was the Pioneer, if we remember rightly, that created sensation by printing the first personal pronoun with the small "i" in reporting one of Lord Curzon's speeches, with the explanation that it was obliged to do so as the capital "I" in the printing room had been exhausted in the first half of His Excellency's address. The story came to mind when reading Pandit Jawaharlal's rambling statement on his position vis-a-vis of Mr. Subhashchandra Bose's re-election to preside over the Indian National Congress. After the almost cynically frank avowal by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and others of how Presidents were elected until Mr. Bose broke through the conventio, the Pandit would have lost any illusion that he might have cherished about his own re-election for a second and a third time. As Lord Melbourne remarked when he accepted the Garter, "There's no damned merit about it." The Pandit pathetically avows, "often I have felt that I was a square peg in a round hole." and that "during the year of my office I have frequently been on the verge of resigning because I felt that I could serve the Congress better if I did not have the responsibilities of office." Nevertheless, he stayed on because he says he was firmly convinced that "in the dynamic and critical times we live in, we must present a united front and subordinate our individual opinion where these tend to impair that front." One has heard a similar reason assigned by persons who held high office and let things be done which went against the principles professed by them. Another stock reason, which the Pandit has mercifully not advanved is that, if one resigned on the ground of principle, another who had never professed any principle would step into one's shoes. "How would that be better in the interests of the country?" Notwithstanding his feeling that he was a round man in a square hole, the Pandit stuck to his seat and he implies that he did something sacrificial in so doing. It was, to our mind, the plain duty of the Pandit to resign when he felt that he was a misfit in his office. He not only did violence to his own convictions but he let the public believe that he was pulling his weight in the movement on the lines he believed to be right. If every man who is entrusted with the responsibility of office, conceives his duty to be preserve at all costs a semblance of unity in the face of the outside world, the movement must inevitably lose its vitality. A touch of fresh air is enough to topple it. If the Pandit and other had better realised their duty to serve the movement not merely with their bodily presence but with their mind and soul, the election of a candidate to the Presidentship who was not favoured by the seniors, would not have caused all this fuss. Where there is no real agreement, it is no good to pretend that there is.

Karamsad

કરમસદ પ્રત્યે મારો સ્નેહ...

એક સવાલ મારા મન માં સદાય હતો કે જ્યારે સરદાર પટેલ આઝાદી ની લડત લડતા હતા અને સ્વતંત્ર ભારત ને નવો આકાર આપતા હતા ત્યારે કરમસદ ગામ માં શું પ્રવ્રુતિઓ ચાલી રહી હતી? આ સવાલ નો જવાબ શોધતા મને જે વિગતો પ્રાપ્ત થઈ એમાં કરમસદ ગામનો મારા જન્મ પહેલાંનો ઈતિહાસ આટલો રસપ્રદ હશે એ મે કદીએ વિચાર્યુ નહોતું, માનવી ની ઉત્સુકતા જ માનવી ને કાંઇક કરવાની પ્રેરણા આપે છે. આપણા પુર્વજો એ કેટકેટલા સદકરમ કર્યા એટલે જ કદાચ આ ગામનું પહેલાં થી જ નામ કરમસદ છે, જે સદાય સદ કરમ કરવા ની પ્રેરણા આપતું હતું, છે અને રહેશે….

કરમસદ ગામે ભારતના જગવિખ્યાત રાજ પુરુષો અને અનન્ય દેશભક્તો સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વિઠ્ઠલભાઈ પટેલ અને સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ જેઓને આપણે સરદાર પટેલના નામે જાણીએ જ છીએ. આ જ ગામની દિકરી સદા આદરણીય શ્રીમતી મણીબેન પટેલ કે જેમણે પોતાના પિતાની દેશભક્તિ અને દેશદાઝ માટે પોતાના જીવન ની આહુતી પિતાના ચરણોમાં આર્પી, કરમસદ ગામના જ શ્રી બાબુભાઈ પટેલ જેઓનું આપણે બાબુભાઈ શહીદ સ્મારક કરમસદના જુના બજાર પાસે બનાવેલ છે. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે રાષ્ટ્રીય ચળવળમાં પણ પોતાનો ખુબજ મોટો ફાળો આપેલ છે.

કરમસદ ગ્રામ પંચાયત ની સ્થાપના ૨૫-૧૨-૧૯૪૦ ના રોજ કરવા માં આવેલ જે “અ” વર્ગ ની ગ્રામ પંચાયત તરીકે સ્થાપાયેલ, જે આજે નગરપાલિકા બની છે. ૧૯૫૪ માં કરમસદ નું ક્ષેત્રફળ ૬.૧ ચો. માઈલ, ઘરો : ૨૧૮૫, કુટુંબ : ૨૩૮૫ અને વસ્તી માં પુરુષો : ૬૩૭૨, સ્ત્રી : ૪૬૪૬ એમ કુલ ૧૮૦૧૮ હતી. આણંદ – ખંભાત ની રેલ્વે લાઈન ઉપર્નું આણંદ પછીનું સ્ટેશન. ગામ નાં ઘણાં લોકો દેશનાં મોટા શહેરોમાં અને પરદેશ ખાસ કરીને પુર્વ આફ્રિકા માં વસતા હતા અને આર્થિક રીતે સધ્ધર હતા, છે અને રહેશે.

ગામમાં લાખિયો કુવો, ખારો કુવો, રબારી નો કુવો અને મોટો કુવો એ મુખ્ય અને મોટા કુવા હતા, તે સિવાય નાની કુઈઓ પણ ઘણી હતી, આજે આ કયા સ્વરુપ માં છે તે મને ખબર નથી. એ વખતે શ્રી જશભાઈ જીવાભાઈ પટેલ પોતાનું ખાનગી વોટર વર્ક્સ ગામમાં ચલાવતા, ગ્રામપંચાયત તરફથી નવુ મોટું વોટર વર્ક્સ કરવાની યોજના કરવામાં આવેલ. સરદાર પટેલના સ્વપ્ન વલ્લભ વિધ્યાનગર ઉભું કરવા માટે કરમસદ ગામ ના લોકો એ પોતાની જમીનો ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ હતી. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે ઉદ્યોગિકરણ અને યુવાનનો ને રોજગારી મળે તે માટે જરૂરી જમીન વિઠ્ઠલ ઉદ્યોગનગર માટે આપેલ, તથા આરોગ્ય – તબીબી સેવા માટે જમીનની જરૂર પડતા કરમસદ ગામે પોતાની જમીનો ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ જે આજે શ્રી ક્રિષ્ના હોસ્પિટલ / ચારૂતર આરોગ્ય મંડળ તરીકે જાણીતી બની છે અને આ જમીનો આપવા માટે મુખ્ય ઉદ્દેશ સમાજ તથા આવનાર પેઢીને મદદરૂપ બનવા માટેનો જ હતો. ગામ માં ૧૯૫૧થી એક દવાખાનું ચાલે છે અને આ દવાખાનાનું મકાન શ્રી પુનમભાઈ નરસિંહ ભાઈ પટેલે તથા પ્રસુતી ગ્રુહનું મકાન શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ હાથીભાઈ પટેલે બંધાવેલ. જેને આપણે સ્ટેશન રોડ ઉપર આવેલ સરકારી દવાખાના તરીકે ઓળખીએ છીએ. શ્રી ઠાકોરભાઈ પટેલ (વૈધ) કરમસદ બસ સ્ટેંડ પાસે બાલ મંદિર નું મકાન પણ બંધાવેલ છે. જેને આજે આપણે જુનું બાલમંદીર પણ કહીએ છે.

સરદાર વલ્લભાઈ પટેલ હાઇસ્કુલ શ્રી સોમાભાઈ મીઠાભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી અંબાલાલ હાથીભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી મણીભાઈ બાબરભાઈ પટેલ ના વડીલ પરિવાર દ્વારા ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક બંધવામાં દાન આપેલ અને નાની નાની રકમ નું દાન કરવામાં પણ ટુકડે ટુકડે સવલત અનુસાર આપવા ની વ્યવસ્થા કરેલ જે કરમસદ કેળવણી મંડળ ના જુના વાર્ષિક આહેવાલો થી પણ માલુમ પડે છે.

૧૯૫૪ થી આજ દિન સુધી કુમાર શાળા અને કન્યા શાળા અલગ અલગ ચાલે છે. તેમાં કન્યાશાળા સંવત ૨૦૦૩માં ગામ નાં શ્રી ત્રિભોવનદાસભાઈ ખુશાલભાઈ પટેલ અને તેઓના ભાઈ શ્રી કાશીભાઈ પટેલ અને શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ પટેલ એ તેમના કાકી શ્રીમતી સાકરબાના સ્મર્ણાર્થે રૂપિયા ૧,૩૫,૦૦૦=૦૦ ના ખર્ચે તળાવ ઉપર “પાટીદાર નિવાસ” (ધર્મશાળા) બંધાવેલ જે આજે સાકરબા કન્યાશાળા ના નામે ઓળખાય છે, અને એ વખતે કુમારશાળા નું મકાન સાકડું હોવાથી બીજા મકાનો પણ ભાડે રાખી ને પણ ગામ ના સંતાનો ને ભણવા માટે સગવડ કરી આપેલ, ભણતર ની સાથે સાથે પુસ્તકાલય પણ જરૂરી છે અને આ માટે શ્રી શિવાભાઈ દાદાભાઈ પટેલ એ મકાન બંધાવી આપેલ જેનું નામ “વિદ્યાર્થી સમાજ પુસ્તકાલય” તરીકે આજે પણ જાણીતું છે. જેમાં છાપા ઉપરાંત ૭૦૦૦ જેટલા પુસ્તકો પણ ૧૯૫૪ દરમ્યાન હતાં.

આજ કાલ ખાનગી બસ સેવા આણંદ થી કરમસદ ચાલે છે તથા બીજા અન્ય સ્થળો માટે પણ ચાલે છે, પરંતુ કદાચ અપણે નહિ જાણતા હોઈએ કે આ ખાનગી બસ સેવા ની શરુઆત વર્ષ ૧૯૫૪ પહેલા કરમસદ થી આણંદ જવા ખાનગી બસ સર્વિસ ચાલતી હતી જેમાં એક બસ ખાસ વલ્લભ વિદ્યાનગર વિધ્યાર્થી ઓ ને લેવા-મુકવા ની વ્યવસ્થા પણ હતી.. આપ સમજી શકો છો કે કરમસદ ના લોકો ની દિર્ગદ્રષ્ટી કેટલી હતી અને જે પોતાની આગવી બસ સર્વિસ એ જમાના માં ચલાવતું હતું. અને આજે આપણા જ ગામના પાટીદાર ના વિચારો નું કોઈ એ અનુકરણ કરે તો તે બાબતે હું પોતે તો ગર્વ અનુભવું છું અને આવું જ ભવિષ્ય માં પણ થવું જોઈએ.

સમય, શક્તિ, ધન, બુધ્ધિ, દરેક રીતે ગામ અને સમાજ ને સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે મદદરૂપ થાય તે બધાને દાતા કહી શકાય… એ જમાનામાં ટેક્નોલોજીનો અભાવ / ઉપયોગ પણ નહી થતો હોય, જો આમ છતાં વડિલો તથા મહાનુભાવોએ કરી બતાવ્યુ તો આપણે તો આજ ની યુવા પેઢી ટેક્નોલોજી સાથે બહુજ સારી રીતે માહિત્ગાર છે તો આપણે કરમસદ માટે તો કાંઈક એવા કાર્યો કરી જ શકીએ કે જેથી કરીને આપણા મા-બાપ, આવનારી નવી યુવા પેઢી, ગામ અને સૌથી ઉપર સમાજ પણ ગૌરવ અનુભવશે.

એવું નથી કે કરમસદમાં કદીએ મુશ્કેલીઓ નથી આવી પરંતુ કરમસદ સદાય એ મુશ્કેલીઓ નો સામનો કરી ને કરમસદે સદાય પોતાની આગવી ઓળખ ઉભી કરી છે અને ભવિષ્યમાં પણ કરશે…

ભુતકાળ ના અનુભવો થી વર્તમાન જીવવા થી ભવિષ્ય સદાય ઉજ્જ્વળ બને છે એવુ મારુ મનવું છે.

આ સિવાય ગામ ના કોઇ મહાન કે પ્રતિષ્ઠિત વ્યક્તિ / વડીલ નું નામ મારા થી ધ્યાન બહાર ગયેલ હોય તો પુત્ર / મિત્ર સમજી માફ કરજો અને ઈરાદપુર્વક નથી તેની હું ખાત્રી આપું છું. તથા હું માનું છુ કે મે કોઇ સ્વર્ગસ્થ વડિલ કે મહાનુભાવના નામ ની આગળ સ્વ. નથી કહેલ એનું એકજ કારણ કે દરેકે દરેક સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે આપણી વચ્ચે કે આપણા હ્ર્દય માં સદા જીવંત છે, હતાં અને રહેશે.

સરદાર પટેલ અમર રહો..

END OF THE RAJKOT FAST

Whatever one may think of fasting as a method of solving social and political deadlocks and whatever one may think of its application to the Rajkot case, all will be glad that Gandhiji broke his fast on Tuesday. During the four days and half of its duration, Gandhiji's strength appreciably waned, and its continuance even for a few days longer would have been attended with grave risk to his life. According to Gandhiji's own avowal, it is due entirely to the Viceroy that this calamity was averted. Gandhiji, too has contributed to the happy result by not standing out for the terms of his ultimatum to the Thakore Sahib. The Thakore Sahib too has acted wisely in consenting to the points in dispute in the correspondence between himself and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, being referred to the adjudication of the Chief Justice of India. The Sardar's consent may be presumed from the acceptance of the condition by Gandhiji who has taken the conduct of the Rajkot affair where the Sardar left it. We are glad of this result not only because it puts an end to what had degenerated into a personal squabble between the Thakore Sahib and Sardar Patel, but also and even more, because it has created an atmosphere of genuine friendliness and goodwill in which the question of constitutional reform in British India and the States can be advanced further.  Lord Linlithgow's handling of this very delicate situation has been so satisfactory as to induce Gandhiji to forego his much-desired visit to the Congress now in session at Tripura, in order that he might meet the Viceroy at the first opportunity when he is fit to travel to Delhi. Evidently he feels that there is more important work to be done in Delhi than in Tripura. This we believe, is the first session of the Congress which Gandhiji has left to be conducted by his coadjutors without his personal guidance since it adopted the creed of non-cooperation. In view of the differences which have arisen over the election of Mr. Subhas Bose to the Presidentship, and the resignation of the majority of members of the Working Committee, Gandhiji's presence and services as conciliator will be much missed at Tripura. The article on the Rajkot fast on another page was written two days before its sudden end.

 

Source : Indian Social Reformer - March 11, 1939

MUNICH AGREEMENT or POLITICAL BLACKMAIL?

The idea of calling upon all Congress Provincial Government to resign because the Thakore of Rajkot has not conformed to his undertaking with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel or because the authorities at Jaipur do not want the presence of Mr. Jamnalal Bajaj within their borders, recalls the delightful Elia Essay about the Chinaman who first discovered that pork was a delicacy. Neither of these potentates is under any obligation to acknowledge the excellence of parliamentary government as the panacea for all the ills they and their subjects are suffering from. The Viceroy, no doubt, is anxious to have the provincial part of the Government of India Act to continue to function under their present Governments as it provides the strongest argument in favour of and the best hope for the acceptance of the Federal part. But there is a limit beyond which he can not go even for this purpose. Otherwise, it would be better to scrap the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole administration, British India and the States, to the Congress hierarchy. The wobbling methods of the Government of India have created confusion all round. The are unfair both to the States and to British India outside the Congress. They are unfair to the Congress also. Though the leaders do not seem to realise it the position of the Congress in the light of the frequent appeals to the Viceroy for intervention is exactly that of Indian States which also look to him for protection. Unless there is a "Munich Agreement" between Lord Linlithgow and Gandhiji, these frequent calls upon his powers as Crown representative to intervene at the threat of withdrawing the Congress ministries from eight provinces looks unpleasantly like political blackmail. One advantage of Mr. Subhash Bose's taking over control of the Congress would be to get rid of the camouflage which obscures the real issues of politics at the present day.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 11-02-1939

SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - NOVEMBER 23, 1946

In moving a resolution relating to the Interim Government Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explained the difficulties that stood in the way of the Central Government's intervention in Provincial matters, such as the Calcutta and Noakhali disturbances. He declared that he had warned Bengal's leaders who saw him after the Calcutta riots that East Bengal was bound to be the next scene of trouble. He told them "If you want independence you must learn to defend yourselves and your neighbours and other helpless people. You should not run to the army or the police for protection."

Replying to critics who spoke or non-violence and avoidance of civil strife Sardar Patel reiterated his conviction that the sword must be met by the sword. Mahatma Gandhi said it was better to use violence than to be a coward. Non-violence was a weapon which it was beyond the power of ordinary men to use, and, therefore, Sardar Patel urged people to adopt violence in self-defence and only in self-defence, or in defence of neighbours. He gave this advice because the present Central Government during the transference of power was in a state of paralysis. 

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SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - JULY 6th, 1948

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel seconding the resolution said that the resolution covered the two statements by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy of May 16 and June 16. The Working Committee had accepted the Mission's proposals contained in their statement of May 16 but rejected the Provisional Government proposal contained in their statement of June 16.

Making it clear that the resolution just moved by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad could not be amended in any manner Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel said, "WE PLACE THIS RESOLUTION BEFORE THE HOUSE FOR RATIFICATION. EITHER YOU ACCEPT IT OR REJECT IN TOTO."

"Four Parties, the Cabinet Mission, the Congress, the Muslim League and the Indian Princes, have accepted the constitutional plau envisaged in the State Paper issued by the Cabinet Mission on May 16. All vital details connected with the negotiations have been fully published. You are aware the Muslim League first accepted the May 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission. We deferred our decision until the full picture was available to us, namely, of the Constituent Assembly and the Interim Provisional Government. The Interim Government plan was published in the June 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy. We decided to reject this proposal as it did not accord with our demands. We however decided to accept the Constituent Assembly scheme contained in the May 10 statement. We have made it clear to the Cabinet Mission that the proposed Constituent Assembly will not prove a success if a responsible, representative Provisional Government at the Centre is not established soon. They have made it clear that the Care-taker Government will be there only for a few days. 

Consistent with the existing circumstances we have secured the widest franchise possible for the election to the Constituent Assembly. The most dangerous proposal in the Constituent Assembly scheme is the one relating to Grouping. Our interpretation of the relevant paragraph in the State Paper is that the provinces are free to decide at the initial stage whether they wish to join a particular Group in which they have been placed. No province can be compelled to join any Group against its own wishes. 

The difficulty about Europeans participating in the voting to the Constituent Assembly election has been practically overcome. We have thus secured a Constituent Assembly almost on the lines we have demanded all these years. Furthermore, under the proposed scheme the transfer of power from British to Indian hands will be smooth and peaceful. It is therefore, our conviction that we should take advantage of the scheme and not plunge the country in struggle.

At the very commencement of our negotiations with the Cabinet Delegation we made it clear to them that we could talk to them only on the basis of a free and independent India. The British Cabinet Mission accepted this and made it clear that their acceptance of our demand was without any reservation. In the face of such assurance it is difficult for us not to believe them.

We have also made sure that there shall be one undivided India with one Central Government. What the shape of that Central Government will be, is a matter for the Constituent Assembly to decide. The Muslim League sees germs of Pakistan in the scheme. We see a United India. It is for the Constituent Assembly to decide who is right."

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to the great injustice done to the great Sikh community in the Cabinet Mission's proposals and said that the Sikhs had not been consulted before they were thrown, bound hand and foot, into the "B" Group. Their being put in "B" Group without their consent naturally placed the at a disadvantageous position and therefore they were smarting under the sense of a grievance. Furthermore, the speaker could not see any reason why the Sikhs were not given the same safeguards and communal veto as had been given to the Muslims. He was opposed to all vetoes but once such a veto had been given to the Muslims he could not see the reason why it was refused in the case of the Sikhs. The Sikhs are a brave people and it is unwise to disregard their just demand.

Referring to the Indian States, Sardar Patel welcomed the Cabinet Mission's statement saying that once India was independent there would be no further paramountcy. The Cabinet Mission's statement had made it clear that in future that States rulers would have to look more and more to their own subjects rather than to the Paramount Power if they wanted progress. The question of representation in the Constituent Assembly of States people had not been decided, but he hoped that the Indian princes would provide adequate representation for their people in the Constituent Assembly.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to numerous telegrams he was daily receiving seeking admission into the Constituent Assembly as delegates and said that this urge, coupled with the unanimous support the nationalist Press had given to the Congress in its decision to accept the proposal, clearly showed the verdict of the country in favour of the Congress Working Committee's decision.

Source : Making of the Indian Constitution 

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