Speech During Kheda Satyagraha - ખેડા સત્યાગ્રહ

ખેડા સત્યાગ્રહ - ૧

[તા. ૧૮-૦૪-૧૯૧૮ના રોજ ખેડા સત્યાગ્રહ દરમ્યાન રાસ ગામે કાંઠાના ખેડુતોની સભા સમક્ષ આપેલું ભાષણ]

આજે આ કાંઠાની ભૂમિ મહાત્માશ્રીનાં પગલાંથી પાવન થઈ છે. બોરસદ તાલુકાના લોકો આખા જિલ્લામાં તોફાનીમાં તોફાની ગણાય છે. અને ખાસ કરીને કાંઠાના લોકો ઘણા તોફાની છે એમ કહેવાય છે.

હવે સત્યાગ્રહની લડત કાંઠામાં શરૂ થઈ છે, માટે આપણે ટંટો, લૂંટફાટ અને દગા વગેરે છોડી દેવાં જોઈએ, અને ન્યાયને રસ્તે ચાલવું જોઈએ. તમારામાં જે ઝનૂન હોય તેને ન્યાયને રસ્તે લડતાં વાપરવું. તમારી શક્તિનો ખોટો ઉપયોગ કરવો નહીં. ધારિયાં ઉગામવાનું છોડી દેવું. ભાઈચારો રાખવો. વિનયથી, વિવેકથી ચાલવું. આપણા જે હક્ક હોય તે મક્કમપણે માંગવા. મામલતદારોની બીક છોડી દેવી. હકની વાત હિંમતથી કહેવી. મામલતદારથી તમે હલકા નથી. કેટલીક વખત તો એવું હોય છે કે મામલતદાર પાસે 25 વીઘાંયે જમીન હોતી નથી. આપણે તેને ત્યાં સીધું જોખવા નહીં જવું. સત્કાર કરવો તો ઘેર બોલાવીને. તેના દાબથી, તેના રૂઆબથી ડરવું નહી, પરંતુ નિર્ભય બનવુ. આપણી લડતનો મુખ્ય હેતુ એ છે કે પ્રજામાંથી ભય કાઢી નાખવો, કુચાલ, કુસંપ, ટંટો-ફિસાદ દૂર કરવાં.

સરકાર તમને ખૂબ તાવશે, તમને દુ:ખ પણ આપશે. પણ દુ:ખ વિના સુખ નથી. સમજીને દુ:ખ વેઠવું એ સારામાં સારો રસ્તો છે. હું. જાણું છું કે તમને સીધે રસ્તે ચઢાવ્યા હોય તો ચઢી શકો એવા છો. આપણી લડતમાં ધર્મનું તત્વ વધું છે. મહાત્માજી તરફ તમે એટલો બધો પ્રેમ બતાવ્યો છે કે મહાત્માજીએ બતાવેલો રસ્તો તમે પકડી રાખશો એવી મારી ખાતરી છે.

સરકાર શું કરશે? જપ્તીઓ કરશે. ચોથાઈ ચઢાવશે, જમીન ખાલસા કરશે. પરંતુ તમે કોઈ પણ જાતનું તોફાન ન કરશો. મે જોયું છે કે તમારે ત્યાં જપ્તી થાય ત્યારે તમે ધારિયાં ઉછાળો છો. પરંતુ હવે તો આપણે લાકડીયે ઉગામવી નહી. જમીન ખાલસા કરે તો કાંઈ આખા ગામની જમીન ખાલસા ન થાય. તમારી જમીનમાં તો તમે જ હળ ઘાલશો. તમે જાણો છો કે એક કુંભાર પણ ગધેડા ઉપર પહેલાં એક મણ ભાર મૂકે, તે ખેંચે તો પાછો અધમણ ભાર વધારે, એમ કરી કરીને તેની પાસે બે મણ બોજો ખેંચાવે છે. તેમ જ સરકાર પણ તમે જેમ જેમ બોજો સહન કરતા જાઓ છો તેમ તેમ વધારે બોજો તમારા ઉપર મૂકે છે. તમે જે બોજાને અત્યાર સુધી સહન કર્યો છે તેને ફેંકી દો ને નિર્ભય થઈને બેસી જાઓ. સાચું છે તે અનુસરો પછે સરકાર પણ કહેશે કે પ્રજા નિર્માલ્ય નથી.

છેવટમાં મારી વિનંતી છે કે આકાશને પાતાળ એક થઈ જાય તોપણ તમારી પ્રતિજ્ઞા તોડશો નહી. તેમ કરશો તો ખેડા જિલ્લાનું નામ હિંદના ઈતિહાસમાં પહેલું લખાશે. આખા હિંદુસ્તાનની આંખ અત્યારે તમારી ઉપર છે. રૈયત જે ઈંસાફ માગે તે ઈંસાફ સરકારને આપવો જ પડે. જો પ્રજાબળ એકત્ર થાય તો કોઈ પણ સરકાર તેની સામે થઈ શકતી નથી. આ સરકાર તો પોતાને ન્યાયી કહેવડાવે છે, તેનાથી તો એમ થઈ જ કેમ શકે?

આ પ્રતિજ્ઞા પાળવામાં જ તમારી ભવિષ્યની પ્રજાનું બહેતર થવાનું છે.

આ લેખ ગમ્યો હોય તો બને તેટલો બીજાને મોકલજો. આભાર

Source : Sardar Patel na Bhashano

Shimla Conference - Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

शिमला सम्मेलन 

१४ जून, १९४५ ई. को वायसराय लॉर्ड बेवेलने अपने एक ब्राडकास्ट भाषण मे राजनीतिक गतिरोध दूर करने के लिए और अंन्तरिम सरकार के गठन के लिए शिमला मे एक सम्मेलन करने की घोषणा की। उनका प्रस्ताव था कि वायसराय की कार्यकारिणी मे "कास्ट हिंदु (स्वर्ण हिंदु) और मुसलमानो की बराबर-बराबर प्रतिनिधित्व दिया जाय।(बोम्बे कार्निकल, १८ जून १९४५ के आधार पर) तथा वायसराय के प्रधान सेनापति के अतिरिक्त शेष सभी सदस्य भारतीय थे। वैदेशिक कार्य भी भारतीयो को दे दिया जायेगा। कार्यकारिणी वर्तमान विधान के आधीन ही कार्य करती रहेगी जब तक कि नया विधान न बन जाय। वायसराय केवल वैधानिक प्रमुख बना रहेगा।

१७ जून, १९४५ को सरदार पटेलने कास्ट हिंदू शब्द पर प्रतिक्रिया व्यक्त करते हुए कहा "यदि यह शर्त रही तो सम्मेलन मे कोंग्रेस का कोई औचित्य नही होगा क्योकि कोंग्रेस कोई वर्गीय संगठन नही है।"

वायसराय के प्रस्ताव पर विचार करने हेतु कोंग्रेस कार्यसमिति की बैठक मौलाना अब्दुल कलाम की अध्यक्षता मे बम्बई मे हुई। २१ व २२ जून को सम्पन्न इस बैठक मे निर्णय लिया कि २५ जून, १९४५ ई. को प्रस्तावित वायसराय की (शिमला) बैठक मे कोंग्रेस शामिल होगी।

२५ जून, १९४५ ई. को सम्मेलन प्रारम्भ हुआ। सम्मेलन के पहले ही दिन जिन्ना के इस वक्तव्य से सम्मेलन की सफलता संदिग्ध हो गई कि - "कोंग्रेस १० प्रतिशत हिंहुओ का प्रतिनिधित्व करती है जबकि मुस्लिम लीग ९० प्रतिशत या उससे अधिक मुसलमानो का प्रतिनिधित्व करती है।" तथा यह कहना गलत है कि कोंग्रेस का समस्त समुदायो पर प्रभाव है। (सरदार वल्लभ भाई पटेल व्यक्तित्व एवं विचार पृ. ११५ के आधार पर) २७ जून को जिन्ना ने वायसराय से स्पष्ट कह दिया कि वह केंद्रीय कार्यपालिका मे किसी अन्य दल के मुसलमान को स्वीकार नही करेंगे। अत कोंग्रेस और मुस्लिम लीग के मतभेद २९ जून को स्पष्ट हो गया।

३० जून १९४५ ई. को सरदार पटेल ने अपने भाषण मे कहा कि, "कोंग्रेस अपना राष्ट्रीय स्वरूप नष्ट नही कर सकती और न ही वह अपने सम्पूर्ण देश के प्रतिनिधित्व के दावे से पीछे हट सकती है। जिन्ना भले ही दावाअ करे कि देश के मुसलमानो का प्रतिनिधित्व मुस्लिम लीग करती है। कोंग्रेस ऐसे दावो को मानने की बजाय अलग रहना ही पसंद करेगी।" (वही पृ. ११५ के आधार पर) कोंग्रेस लीग गतिरोध के कारण २८ जून, १९४५ को १५ दिन के लिए स्थगित सम्मेलन पुन: १४ सितम्बर, १९४५ को शुरू हुआ। कोंग्रेसने अपने द्वारा दिये गये नामो मे सभी दलो के नाम दिये थे जबकि मुस्लिम लीगने कोई नाम देने से इंकार कर दिया। वायसरायने इस पर सम्मेलन को अनिश्चित काल के लिए भंग कर दिया।

Source : भारतीय राजनीति और सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल तथा उनके विचारोंं की आधुनिक समय में प्रासंगिकता.

Hinda na Sardar - ખરી પડેલો ચમકતો તારો - હિંદના લાડીલા "સરદાર"

"બે ટીપાં ગંગાજળ નાખવાથી ગટર પવિત્ર નહી બને...

પ્રજાની ઉન્નતીનો આધાર તેની હિંંમત, તેના ચારિત્ર, અને

તેની ભોગ આપવાની શક્તિ ઉપર રહેલ છે." - સરદાર પટેલ

"મારી ઈંતેજારી તો જ્યા મહાત્મા ગાંધીજી, કસ્તુરબા અને મહાદેવ દેસાઈ ગયા છે ત્યાં જવાની છે. છતાં થોડાંક વર્ષ આ દુનિયામાં હજુ રહેવા ઈચ્છું છું. તેઓની ઈચ્છાથી જ તેઓનું કાર્ય પુરૂ કરવા હું અહી રહ્યો છું." - સરદાર પટેલ - ઓક્ટોબર ૩૧ મી ના ૭૫મી વર્ષગાંઠ્ની આગલી સાંજે સાબરમતી આશ્રમમાં આ ઉદ્ગગારો કાઢ્યા હતા. 

અને આજે તેઓએ સૌને અખંડ ભારતની ભેટ આપીને શુક્રવાર તા. ૧૫-૧૨-૧૯૫૦ના રોજ સવારે ૯ કલાક અને ૩૭ મિનીટે સરદાર શ્રી વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ મુંબઈમાં દેહ છોડી ચાલ્યા ગયા. અને પોતાની ઈચ્છા પુર્ણ કરી. અવસાનના આશરે દોઢ મહિના પહેલાં જ તેઓ ગુજરાત આવ્યા હતા. તે વખતે તેમની ૭૬મી વર્ષગાંઠ ઉજવાયેલ તે સમયે સરદાર સાહેબની તબિયત ઢીલી હોવા છતાં સરદાર સાહેબ દરેકને મળવાનો પ્રયત્ન કરતા હતા. અને આખું ગુજરાત જાણે એક મહોત્સવ ઉજવી રહ્યુંં હોય તેવો માહોલ સર્જાયો હતો. ગુજરાતને તેમના દર્શન થયા અને જતા પહેલાં તેઓ પોતે પણ આંખ ભરીને તેઓ પોતાની કર્મભુમી અને ત્યાંંના તેમના જુના સાથીઓને જોઈ શક્યા.

ગુજરાતની ફુલપાંખડી સ્વીકારીને તેઓ અમદાવાદ થી દિલ્હી ગયા ત્યારે તેમને મનમાં એમ હતું ખરૂ કે હજી ગુજરાતના બીજા ભાગોમાં જવાનું બાકી છે તે ફરી જાન્યુઆરીમાં કરીશ. એમ બે હપ્તે ગુજરાતનાં સૌ ભાઈ બહેનો અને કાર્યકર્તાઓને મળવાનો ખ્યાલ હતો. પરંતુ દિલ્હી ગયા પછી તેમની તબિયત વધુ બગડી અને તેમને મુંબઈ લાવ્યા. અહી આવીને ૨-૩ દિવસ તો સારૂ લાગ્યું એટલે સૌને થયું કે, મુંબઈની હવા તેમની તબિયતમાં સુધારો લાવશે. પરંતુ લોકોને ક્યાં ખબર હતી કે ઓલવાતા દીવાનો એ છેલ્લો ચમકારો હતો. ગુરૂવાર રાત પછી તેમની તબિયત કથળી અને શુક્રવારે સવારે તેમણે દેહત્યાગ કર્યો.

દેશ માટે આઘાત જનક સમાચાર અને કોઈને પણ આંચકો લાગે તેવા સમાચાર હતા. ૧૯૪૭થી દેશનું જે ઘડતર થઈ રહ્યુ હતું તેમાં સરદાર એક આધાર સ્તંભ હતા. અને ગુજરાતે તો પોતાનુ શિરછત્ર ગુમાવ્યું. ૧૯૧૫થી શરૂ થયેલા યુગનો અંત આવ્યો.

સ્વરાજ લાવવા માટે શુ કરવું? લડવું કેવી રીતે? પ્રજાને તે વિષે તાલીમ શી રીતે આપવી? આ સવાલ ફક્ત સરદાર સાહેબનો જ નહોતો પરંતુ ૧૯૧૫ પછી તો કોંગ્રેસ અને આખા દેશનો હતો. અને એટલે જ ગાંધીજી અને તેમની સાથે સરદાર એકદમ અખિલ હિંદની ભુમિકામાં પહોચી ગયા. સરદારે ગુજરાતનું કામ સંભાળી લઈ ગાંધીજીને દેશના વ્યાપક ક્ષેત્રને માટે નવરાશ કરી આપી. ગાંધીજીના ગુજરાતના બધાં જ કામો સંભાળવા એ સરદારનું સહજ કાર્ય બની ગયું. અને કેમ ન બને આખરે ગુજરાતનો દીકરો ગુજરાતનો આપ્તજન બને તે સ્વાભાવિક છે. તેમણે ગુજરાતની પ્રાંતિક સમીતીઓ દ્વારા નાના મોટા બધા સેવાકાર્યો આ સંસ્થાની પાંખ તળે રહી હુંફ મેળવતા થયા. અને ગુજરાતમાં એક સર્વ સમન્વિત ઢબે રચાનાત્મક કાર્યક્રમ કરવા માટે તંત્ર ઊભું થઈ શક્યું. વલ્લભભાઈની આ સંગઠન શક્તિ અને કુટુંબભાવ દ્વારા જ ગુજરાત પોતાના સેવાકાર્યો દ્વારા પ્રજાની તાકાત તથા પોતાનું હીર પ્રગત કરી શકાય એ ખાતરી આપી શક્યુ.

આ બધામાંં એક મોટી શરત હતી કે તેને જે ન સમજે તે સરદારને પણ ન સમજી શકે અને એ શરત હતી સ્વારાજની. સ્વરાજ મેળવવા માટે આત્મશુધ્ધિ કરીને પ્રજાને સ્વાવલંબીને બળવાન કરવાની હતી. જે કાર્ય કે તેને કરનાર વ્યક્તિ કે સંસ્થા ગાંધીજીના મૂળમંત્રને ન સમજે તેને સરદારની નજરમાં સ્થાન ન મળી શકે. સરકાર પોતાની ન હોવા છતાં પ્રજા પોતાના આપબળે કામ કરી શકે છે તે સરદારે સાબિત કરી બતાવ્યું. પ્રત્યક્ષ જે કાંઈ જરૂર હોય તેને મોજુદા સાધનો વડે પહોચી વળીને પણ પ્રજાની તાકાત વધારવી, જેથી સૌ સારા વાના થશે, તે તેમની બાળપણની સાદી સમજ છે. અને સામાન્ય ગુજરાતીની પણ વહેવાર માટે એજ સમજ હોય છે. તેથી જ સરદારને ગુજરાતના બધા વર્ગો પોતાના કહી શકતા હતા. અને આ સમજને તેમણે ગાંધીજીના આદર્શ ખાતે અર્પણ કરી.

મગનભાઈ દેસાઈએ તો તા. ૨૧-૧૨-૫૦ "હરીજન બંધુ"માં તો ત્યાંં સુધી કહ્યુ છે કે "એમના જેવા પુરૂષોની જ્યારે ખુબ જરૂર છે ત્યારે તે ગયા. પણ ટીળક મહારાજ પેઠે એમને ખાતરી હતી કે, હિંદમાતાની કુખેથી જોઈતા નરવીરો મળ્યા જ કરશે. એવા આપણે સૌ બનવા મથીને આ વીર દેશભક્તનું તર્પણ કરી શકીએ. તેઓતો અત્યારે એમના મહાદેવ અને બા બાપુની પાસે, જેમ જેલમાં જોડે હતા તેમ, અનંતતાની કેદમાં પહોચી ગયા હશે. અને ત્યાં રહ્યા એમેય કદાચ પુછતા હોય, કેદમાં તમે દુનિયા પર રહેલા છો કે અમે? એમનો જીવનપાઠ યાદ કરીએ તો સરદાર સદાય આપણી પાસે જ છે. એ પાઠ આપીને સરદાર અમર થયા છે.

સત્તાધીશોની સત્તા તેમના મૃત્યુ સાથે જ સમાપ્ત થાય છે. જ્યારે મહાન દેશભક્તોની સત્તા તેમના મૃત્યુ પછીથી જ ખરો અમલ ચલાવે છે. - સરદાર પટેલ

જુલ્મી રાજનીતીના અમલદારોની દેખરેખ નીચે જે શિક્ષણ અપાય છે તે લેવું તમારે બંધ કરવું જોઈએ. એમાંજ તમારૂ સ્વમાન જળવાયેલું રહેશે. એવા શિક્ષણથી તમારૂ કશું ભલું નથી થવાનું. તમારે સાહસિક થવાનું છે. બધાંં કરતા દેશના શ્રેયનો આધાર તમાર જ સાહસ પર રહેલો છે. દેશને સ્વતંત્ર બનાવવા તમે જ મદદ કરી શકશો. - સરદાર પટેલ

The Indian National Congress

The meeting of the All India Congress Committee at Calcutta to settle the outstanding differences between Mr. Subhash Bose and the members of the old Working Committee is a momentous one. As at Rajkot Gandhiji has taken over the leadership from Sardar Patel and it is believed that the Congress will emerge out of the Calcutta discussions with either a new president or a "left Working Committee.

Sardar Patel whose activities in the past have brought on him the full measure of discontent against the policy of the Congress, will not attend the meeting at Calcutta for special reasons. This is both an advantage and a misfortune. The absence of the Sardar will permit of a discussion of policies apart from the chief personality involved in many of them in the past. After all, as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has pointed out, the acts and omissions of the Sardar had the approval of the Working Committee as well as of the Congress President whoever he was at the time. Pandit Nehru accepted full responsibility for the Nariman incident and rightly remarked that Mr. Bose was no less responsible for the Khare interlude. The Sardar, it is well known, has not the gift of convincing opponents of the justice of his case- an essential quality in a politician who has eschewed violence. No man can ask for a better advocate for his cause than Gandhiji, especially so when that cause is also Gandhiji's. Nevertheless it is not a gain either tor the Congress or to Indian politics if it appears too often to be the case that Gandhiji's time and energies are spent in pulling chestnuts out of the fire.

Nagpur Jhanda Satyagrah

નાગપુર ઝંડા સત્યાગ્રહનું સુકાન સરદાર સાહેબે સંભાળ્યુ હતું, માર્ચ ૧૯૨૩માં જબલપુર શહેરમાં જ્યારે કોંગ્રેસ કારોબારીની મીટીંગ મળેલ તે સમયે ત્યાંની મ્યુનિસિપાલિટીએ એવો ઠરાવ પસાર કર્યો કે મ્યુનિસિપલ હોલ ઉપર રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ ચડાવવો. પરંતુ જ્યારે આ ઠરાવની જિલ્લા મેજિસ્ટ્રેટને ખબર પડી ત્યારે તેમણે આ ઠરાવ રદ્દ કરાવ્યો અને ટાઉનહોલ આગળના મેદાનમાં સભા ન ભરાય અને મ્યુનિસિપાલિટી ઉપર રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ ન ચડાવે તે માટે ત્યાં કલમ ૧૪૪ લાગુ કરી.

આ સામે ૧૮મી માર્ચ ૧૯૨૩ના રોજ પંડિત સુંદરલાલજીની આગેવાની હેઠળ રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ સાથે મોટું સરઘસ કાઢવામાં આવ્યું. આ સમયે પંડિત સુંદરલાલજી સહિત બીજા દસ લોકોની ધરપકડ કરવામાં આવી અને રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ ઝુંટવી લીધો. અને બીજા દિવસે બધાને છોડી મુક્યા. જ્યારે રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ પાછો માગ્યો, ત્યારે તેમને કહેવામાં આવ્યું કે, એ તો જપ્ત કરવામાં આવ્યો છે. પંડિત સુંદરલાલજીએ આ રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજનું અપમાન છે તેમ જણાવીને વાંધો ઉઠાવ્યો અને આની આગ સમગ્ર દેશમાં ભભુકી ઉઠશે તેમ જણાવ્યું. આના લીધે સુંદરલાલજીને ૬ માસની સજા કરવામાં આવી.

નાગપુરમાં ૧૩મી એપ્રિલ ૧૯૨૩ના રોજ રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ સાથે મોટું સરઘસ કાઢવામાં આવ્યું. એ વખતે જાહેર કરવામાં આવ્યુ કે, આ સરઘસ “સિવિલ લાઈન્સ”માં થઈને સદર બજારમાં જશે અને ત્યાં સભા યોજાશે. આની જાણ જિલ્લા મેજિસ્ટ્રેટ તથા પોલીસ સુપરિન્ટેન્ડેટને જાણ થતા તેઓ ડિસ્ટ્રિક્ટ કોર્ટ પાસેના ચાર રસ્તા જ્યાંથી સિવિલ લાઈન્સ શરૂ થાય છે ત્યાં ફોજ સાથે સરઘસ રોકવા માટે હાજર થયા. અને સરઘસ રોક્યું પણ જ્યારે સ્વયંસેવકોએ આગળ વધવાનો પોતાનો નિશ્ચય જાહેર કર્યો અને પોલીસ ફોજ તેમના ઉપર ટુટી પડી. ધ્વજના દંડા વડે જ સ્વયંસેવકોને ખુબજ માર્યા અને નીચે પાડી ઢસરડીને રસ્તાની બાજુમાં ગટરમાં નાખી દીધા.

આવો ગેરવર્તાવ જોઈને નાગપુર કોંગ્રેસ પ્રાંતિક સમિતિની કારોબારીએ ઠરાવ કર્યો કે, “કોઈપણ સરિયામ રસ્તા ઉપરથી શાંતિપૂર્વક રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ લઈને જવાનો પ્રજાને અધિકાર છે અને સરકાર તેમાં અંતરાય નાખે છે. માટે ૧લી મે ૧૯૨૩થી આના માટે લડત આપવી. જબલપુર અને નાગપુર બે સ્થળને બદલે નાગપુર ઉપર જ શક્તિ કેંદ્રિત કરવી.” આ લડતની આગેવાની જમનાલાલ બજાજે લીધી. તેમની સૂચના મુજબ પ્રતિજ્ઞાવાળૅઅ દસ દસ સૈનિકોને રોજ લડતને મોરચે મોકલવાનું નક્કી કરવામાં આવ્યું. મુદ્દો બહુ સાફ હતો. રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ લઈને શાંતિપૂર્વક, બીજા લોકોને હેરાનગતી ન થાય તે રીતે દરેકે રસ્તા ઉપરથી વ્યવસ્થિત સરઘસના રૂપમાં જવાનો નાગરિકોનો મૂળભૂત હક દરેક સુધરેલ ગણાતા દેશોમાં સ્વીકારાયેલ છે. આપણા દેશમાં પણ આવા સરઘસો બીજા બધાં શહેરોમાં વગર રોકટોક ફરતાં, ખુદ નાગપુરમાં પણ રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ લઈને સરઘસ બીજે બધે ફરે તેની સરકારની કોઈ હેરાનગતી નહોતી. પરંતુ સિવિલ લાઈન્સમાં રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ લઈને જવાનો હક્ક સ્થાપિત કરવાની લડતનો જે ઠરાવ કોંગ્રેસ કમિટીએ કરેલ તે નાગપુરના ગોરા સિવિલયનોથી સહન થયુ નહી.

આ ગોરાઓમાં નાગપુરનો કમિશ્નર બહુ તુમાખીવાળો હતો. અને તે સિવિલ લાઈન્સમાં જ રહેતો તથા ગોરાઓનો તે આગેવાન હતો. તેણે તો લોકોને ત્યાં સુધી કહેલ કે જો મારા બંગલા આગળ સરઘસ આવશે તો હું ગોળીઓ ચલાવીશ. ડિસ્ટ્રિક્ટ મેજિસ્ટ્રેટે સરઘસબંધી અને સભાબંધીનો હુકમ તા. ૧લી મે ૧૯૨૩ના રોજ બહાર પડેલ હતો અને ત્યાર પછીતો જાણે ધરપકડોનો દોર શરુ થઈ ગયો. જમનાલાલ બજાજને સાથે સાથે બીજા કાર્યકરોને પણ પકડવામાં આવ્યા. ગુજરાત તથા અલગ અલગ પ્રાંતોમાંથી સ્વયંસેવકોની ટુકડીઓ નાગપુર આવવા માંડી. પરંતુ બધાને પકડીને જેલમાં ધકેલી દેવામાં આવ્યા.

ગાંધીજીતો જેલમાંજ હતા. એટલે કોંગ્રેસ કારોબારીએ સરદાર વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલને આ લડતનું સંચાલન સોંપ્યું. સરદાર પટેલ ૨૨મી જુલાઈ ૧૯૨૩ના રોજ નાગપુર પહોચ્યા. અને લોકોને એમ જ લાગતું કે સરદાર સાહેબને પણ સરકાર બીજાની જેમ પકડી લેશે પણ એવુ બન્યું નહી. સરકારે ભારે દમનનીતી વાપરી હતી જેથી કોઈ સત્યાગ્રહી તથા સ્થાનિક કાર્યકરોને જેલ ભેગા કરેલા એટલે સરદાર સાહેબને એક્લા હાથે કામ કરવું પડેલ. આથી સરદારે પોતાની રીતે પરિસ્થિતિ તપાસી લીધી અને કામ વ્યવસ્થિત ગોઠવી લીધેલ. આ સંદર્ભે તેમણે એક કાગળમાં લખ્યું હતું: “અહી આવીને દરેક પ્રાંત માટે સ્વયંસેવકો મોકલવાની સંખ્યા અને તારીખો ગોઠવી અને તે મુજબ દરેક પ્રાંતોને ખબર આપી દીધી છે. અને યોજના મુજબ સ્વયંસેવકો આવતા રહેશે, તો રોજ ઓછામાં ઓછા ૫૦ સૈનિકો સ્ટેશન પર પકડાશે.....”

સરકારે જેલમાં ભારે ત્રાસ કરેલ જેલમાં કેદીઓના વર્ગ બનાવી દીધેલ જેથી પહેલા વર્ગના કેદીઓને રોજ સવા મણ અનજ દળવાનું, બીજા વર્ગવાળાને પોણો મણ અનાજ દળવાનું અને ત્રીજા વર્ગવાળાને શણ કૂટવાનું. બીજું મુખ્ય કામ પથરા તોડવાનું. તેના પણ વર્ગ પ્રમાણે જુદાં જુદાં માપ નક્કી થયા. ખાવામાં એક વાર જુવારના રોટલા અને દાળ, તથા એક વાર જુવારના રોટલા અને ભાજી. દાળમાં દાળ શોધવી પડે અને દાળને બદલે ઈયળો મળે અને ભાજી તો ઘરડાં થઈ ગયેલાં કોઈ પણ પાંદડા, રોટલા કાચા અને કાંકરીઓનો પાર નહી.

મોટી તકલીફ તો પાયખાનાની (જાજરૂ જવાની) હતી. લાઈનબંધ બનાવેલ અને બારણાં એકેયમાં નહી. અને એમાં પણ નિયમ એવો કે ૫ મિનિટમાં પતાવી નાખવાનું, ૩ મિનિટ થાય એટલે વોર્ડન બુમો પાડે. આ તો ત્યાંના નિયમો પણ પજવણી તો સૌથી વધારે કેદીઓને હતી. માફી મંગાવવા વોર્ડર નિષ્ઠુર અત્યાચારો કરતા. અત્યાચારો કરવા માટે દરેક યુક્તિઓ વાપરતા. આ લડત કુલ ૧૧૦ દિવસ ચાલી અને ૧૭૫૦ જેટલા સત્યાગ્રહીઓની સંખ્યા થયેલી તેમાંથી લગભગ આશરે ૨૦૦ જેટલા કેદીઓ પાસે તો અત્યાચારથી માફી પણ મંગાવેલ.

નાગપુરમાં એક દિવસ છુટીને આવેલા કેટલાક કેદીઓની માનમાં સભા યોજાઈ જેમાં સરદાર સાહેબ પણ હાજર હતાં. સભા દરમ્યાન કેદીઓએ પોતાના જેલવાસના અનુભવોની રોષપુર્વક તીખા ભાષણો કર્યા. આ લડત વિનયપુર્વક ચાલે એ સંભાળવાનું કામ સરદાર સાહેબનું હતું. અને આ લડતના સિધ્ધાંતો સમજાવવાની તક સરદારે ઝડપી લીધી. “આજે જેલમાંથી સજા ભોગવી આવેલા ભાઈઓએ આપણને કેટલીક વાતો કહી. એમના દિલમાં રોષ ભરાયેલ છે. જેલમાં આપવામાં આવેલ કષ્ટો તેમણે સભ્યતા છોડીને આપણી આગળ કહ્યાં. અમાનુષી વર્તનનું વર્ણન આવેશમાં આવીને કર્યુ.

પણ આપણે આવું બોલીએ, તો સરકારી નોકરોને મુકાબલે આપણે કેટલા સારા? એ તો નોકરીમાં છે, આપણે સ્વતંત્ર છીએ. એ લોકોનો વિચાર કરવાને બદલે આપણે શું કર્યુ. તેનો વિચાર કરવો રહ્યો. આપણે તેમને ગાળો દઈએ, તેમના દોષ જોઈએ, તે પહેલાં આપણે આપણો પોતાનો વિચાર પણ કરવો જોઈએ. આપણે લાયકાત મેળવી કર્તવ્યપરાયણ થવું એ આપણો ધર્મ છે. જેલમાંથી છુટી આવેલા ભાઈઓને મારી સલાહ છે કે, તેમણે પ્રજાને પ્રેમ અને ધર્મના પાઠ સમજાવવા એ તમારૂ પરમ કર્તવ્ય છે. પરમાત્મા તમને આવા સત્ય અને ધર્મના યુધ્ધો લડવાનું બળ આપો.”

આખરે સરકારે નમતું જોખ્યું અને ૧૮મી ઓગસ્ટ ૧૯૨૩ના રોજ આ લડતનો અંત આવ્યો. રાતે જાહેર સભામાં સરદારશ્રીએ કહ્યું : “રાષ્ટ્રીય ધ્વજની પ્રતિષ્ઠા આખરે કબૂલ કરવામાં આવી છે. જાહેર રસ્તાઓ ઉપરથી શાંતિપુર્વક અને વ્યવસ્થિત રીતે રાષ્ટ્ર ધ્વજ સાથે સરઘસ લઈ જવાનો આપણો હક્ક આપણને પાછો પ્રાપ્ત થયો છે. આને હુ સત્ય, અહિંસા તથા તપનો વિજય માનું છુ. એટલે ઈશ્વરક્રુપાથી હવે હું જાહેર કરી શકુ છુ કે નાગપુર સત્યાગ્રહનો આજના પુણ્ય દિવસે, મહાત્મા ગાંધીજીના ઉપદેશના અનુસાર વિજયી અંત થાય છે. અને આજના સંધ્યાકાળથી આપણો ધ્વજ-સત્યાગ્રહ રીતસર બંધ થયેલો હું જાહેર કરૂ છું. અને જે વીર ભાઈઓ બહેનોએ દેશની ખાતર, રાષ્ટ્રધ્વજ ખાતર અને રાષ્ટ્રની ખાતર દુ:ખો વેઠ્યાં અને આજે પણ જેલમાં દુ:ખ વેઠી રહ્યાં છે તે દરેકને અંતરના ઉંડાણથી ધન્યવાદ.

વિજય જાહેર થયા બાદ નાગપુર સહિત જુદી જુદી જેલોમાં આશરે ૨૦૦૦ જેટલા કેદીઓ હતાં તેમના છુટવાની રાહ આખો દેશ જોવા લાગ્યો પરંતુ સરકારી તંત્રે તેમા વિલંબ કરવા માંડ્યો, અને અંદર અંદર અકળામણ વધતી જતી હતી. છેવટે સરદારે મધ્ય પ્રાંતની સરકારને નોટિસ આપી કે, હવે ચોવીસ કલાકમાં કેદીઓ નહીં છુટે તો સરકાર સામે વિશ્વાસઘાતનો આરોપ મૂકીને તેમની સાથે થયેલો તમામ પત્રવ્યવહાર પોતે પ્રસિધ્ધ કરશે અને સત્યાગ્રહનું આંદોલન ફરી શરૂ કરવામાં આવશે જેની તમામ જવાબદારી સરકારની રહેશે. સરદારનું આ અલ્ટિમેટમ સાંભળીને પ્રાંતના ગવર્નર અને ગ્રુહમંત્રીએ સેક્રેટરી ઓફ સ્ટેટને તાર કરીને જણાવ્યું કે જો કેદીઓને તાબડ્તોબ નહી છોડવામાં આવે તો બન્નેને રાજીનામું આપવાની ફરજ પડશે.

સરદાર સાહેબની નોટીસને પુરા થવાના ચોવીસ કલાકતો સવારે પુરા થતા હતા તે પહેલાં રાતે બે વાગ્યે સરદારને ખબર આપવામાં આવી કે સરકારે કેદીઓને છોડી મુકવાનો હુકમ કરેલ છે. અને પેલો તુમાખી ગોરો કમિશ્નર લાંબી રજા ઉપર ચાલ્યો ગયો અને કદી પાછો જ ન આવ્યો.

૩જી સપ્ટેમ્બર ૧૯૨૩ના રોજ જન્માષ્ટમીના દિવસે તમામ સત્યાગ્રહી કેદીઓને છોડી મુક્યા અને તેઓ બધા રાષ્ટ્ર ધ્વજ સાથે સિવિલ લાઈન્સના બધા વિસ્તારમાં સરઘસમાં ફર્યા. સાંજે નાગપુરમાં મોટી જાહેરસભામાં સરદારે જે પ્રવચન કર્યુ તે સાચે સમજવા જેવુ છે. તેમણે કહ્યુ :

હું તમને સાચેસાચુ કહું છુ કે આપણી જીત થઈ છે તેનું માન મને બિલકુલ નથી. બધું માન જેલમાં કષ્ટો અને યાતનાઓ સહન કરીને આવ્યા છો તેમને અને જેઓ આ લડતને અર્થે સહન કરવાને તૈયાર હતા તેમને છે. તેમ જ આખી લડત દરમિયાન અથાક શ્રમ લેનાર અને અદ્વુત વ્યવસ્થા બતાવનાર નાગપુરની કોંગ્રેસ સમિતિને છે. નિર્મળતા અને નિર્ભયતાના સાધનોથી સજ્જ આ ધર્મયુધ્ધનું પ્રજા ભવિષ્યમાં ગૌરવ સાથે સ્મરણ કરશે. અને આ ધર્મયુધ્ધ સત્ય, અહિંસા અને આપભોગના શસ્ત્રોની શ્રેષ્ઠતા વિશે પ્રજામાં વધારે શ્રધ્ધાનો સંચાર થશે.થશે. મહાત્માજીની સાથે ખેડા સત્યાગ્રહમાં કામ કરીને જે તાલીમ લીધી હતી એને કેવી અમલમાં મુકી હતી એના દર્શન થયા વિના રહે જ નહી.

Prime Minister's Conference | Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

When Mr. Subhash Chandra Bose was elected for the first term to the Presidentship of the Indian National Congress, one of the first things he projected was a Conference of all Congress Prime Ministers in Calcutta at which he would of course, have taken the chair. Somehow this did not come off. But the idea has been kept in view. A Primer's Conference is being held in Poona this week. All Congress Prime Ministers, except Dr. Khan Sahib of the North-Western Frontier Province, are expected to attend it. It is to be presided over not by the Congress President, Babu Rajendra Prasad nor by Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya who loyally acquiesced in being passed over the Presidentship in favour of Mr. Prasad when Mr. subhash Bose abdicted but by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in his capacity of Chairman of the Parliamentary Board of Control. It is impossible to resist the surmise that this means that the Sardar is likely to be the first Federal Prime Minister if the Congress decides upon accepting office in the Federation, on getting such terms as it may be able to secure from the British Government and the Indian States. The Sardar, as we have observed before, is a capable and resolute administrator. But the Federal Government's functions will be administrative only to a small extent. They will chiefly concern questions of high policy. In order to discharge such functions the Sardar will have to develop some qualities which he has hitherto rather neglected. One is the capacity to return the soft answer which turneth away wrath. Not only has the Sardar not cultivated this valuable quality in one who has to deal with great issues and all sorts and conditions of people. He has rather got into the habit of provoking needless antagonism even amongst friends by being aggressively and obtrusively outspoken. To call a spade a spade, does not need any measure of forethought. Every child does it. But to detect the idea behind the spade which makes it useful as a garden implement and to stress the value of that in preference to the rude embodiment of it which one can touch and handle, demands a high degree of mental discipline.

The Pandit's Dilemma | Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has been moved to write out his reflections on the situation in the Congress created by the Tripuri developments. He has, as he has himself stated in his autobiography, often suppressed his own convictions in deference to Gandhiji. He had persuaded himself that by doing so he would be best serving the cause or causes which he had at heart. But Tripuri has aroused in him serious doubts as to the rightness of his conduct in doing so. Undoubtedly by his acquiescent attitude he led other less glamorous politicians similarly to swallow their convictions and follow Gandhiji blindly. In our opinion, as suggested last week, Gandhiji is less to blame than acquiescent friends like the Pandit, for the uncomfortable pedestal on which he finds himself perched beyond reach of human counsel. Gandhiji has frankly proclaimed that he has broken his compass and cannot find his bearings in the troubled sea of Indian politics. His friends, Rajagopalacharya, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and now Latthe (of all men) have come forward to proclaim their unswerving "faith" in Gandhiji, Pandit Nehru, on the other hand, finds himself in a terrible dilemma.

As President of the States People's Conference, the Pandit had thought of taking the lead in the Rajkot trouble. But GAndhiji stepped into the scene and for fear of coming into conflict with him the Pandit silently abdicted his office. He could not, he says functions where he did not understand. "I do not understand the logic at all of what has taken place." The fault is the Pandit's. He was like the proverbial blind man seeking in a dark room for the black cat which was not there. The events in Rajkot were not conceived or carried out in any logical sequence. Gandhiji has many qualities in common with the British which makes him so effective in dealing with Simla and Whitehall. Prominent among these is a contempt for theory and logic. The Pandit writes :

But more and more the choice before many of us becomes difficult, and this is no question of Right or Left or even of political decisions. The choice is of unthinking acceptance of decisions which sometimes contradict each other and have no logical sequence; or opposition or inaction. Not one of these three courses is easily commendable. To accept unthinkingly what one cannot appreciate or willingly agrees to, produces ultimately mental flabbiness and paralysis. No great movement can be carried on this basis, certainly not a democratic movement. Opposition is difficult when it weakens us and helps the adversary. Inaction produces frustration and all manner of complexes, and is hardly conceivable when from every side comes the call for action.

These are not the only alternatives and what makes the Pandit think they are, is that his vision has been blurred by the darkness in which he has so long confined himself in the honest but mistaken belief that he is thereby advancing the cause of Indian freedom. He has now awakened to the fact which was plain as can be for several years past, that "the acceptance unthinkingly of what one cannot appreciate or willingly agree to, produces ultimately mental flabbiness and paralysis." Did not Sarojini Naidu say at some election meeting in the United Provinces that if Congress nominates a stick as a candidate all should vote for it? The fourth alternative which has escaped the PAndit's observation, always remains. Every man can work for the cause he has at heart according to his own ideas. The great movements which have shaken the world in the past originated in one or a few minds. A crowd is an encumbrance not a help to constructive thinking. Reading the Pandit's articles brings to mind Hamlet's pathetic lines :

The time is out of Joint : O cursed spite,

That ever I was born to set it right.

 

Sardar Patel on the Political Situation

The Leader of Allahabad publishes an English version of a Hindi speech which Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel made at Benares on May 10. In it, he observed :

The Congress has no army. Its only power lies in truth and non-violence. There are dissensions, indiscipline and corruption in the Congress organization. Violence has increased in the country, both in British India and in States. Hindu-Muslim riots are occurring everywhere. In such conditions and atmosphere it is sheer folly to talk of ultimatum. The present is not a time for launching a satyagraha. If satyagraha is started there will be anarchy in the country.

The Sardar has rendered a valuable public service by this unambiguous and outspoken condemnation of the policy of ultimata and satyagraha. In our judgement and that of many others, the present-day developments, which he so accurately described, are the direct and expected consequences of the Civil Disobedience movement. But we, at least, we shall not start a controversy on that point. We welcome Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's plain-speaking and we recognise the public spirit and true concern for the country's peace and security, which has prompted his utterance. His address to the Bhavnagar State people's Conference also struck an entirely different note from what we have been accustomed to hear from Congress leaders. If the spirit of the address inspires the policy of the Congress towards the States, it should be easy for the latter to co-operate with British India in advancing national interests. The Sardar advised the rulers of States to follow the example of the King Emperor. This is the first time for many years that a Congress leader of the Sardar's standing has referred in public to the King Emperor. There is evidently a complete reversal of Congress attitude towards the States as well as to the British Government. It has taken nineteen years to realise that co-operation and not non-co-operation is the right way to national progress. But all's well that ends well.

SIR M. GWYER ON THE RAJKOT PAPERS | VALLABHBHAI PATEL

Sir Maurice Gwyer's opinion on the papers submitted to him relating to the dispute between Thakore Sahib of Rajkot and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, was published in the daily press on Tuesday. Some press comments refer to it as the award of the Federal Court.It is nothing of the kind Sir Maurice Gwyer is the Chief Justice of that Court and has the prestige of that great position. But in this case, to use his own words, "doubts having arisen as to the meaning which should be attached to these documents, my advice was requested (by the Crown Representative) as to the way in which they should be interpreted." The opinion expressed in the statement, therefore, has the character of advice only. There were two points on which Sir Maurice's advice was immediately sought. The first was, did the Rajkot ruler give a blank cheque to the Sardar to recommend any seven persons (being subjects or servants of the State) and undertake to nominate all of them to the contemplated Reforms Committee, whatever his own opinion and that of his councillors may be of the merits and capacity of the persons recommended? The second was whether the Chairman of the Committee was to be nominated by the Thakore was included in the ten members mentioned in the Notification or might he be the eleventh of the Committee? On both these points Sir Maurice has advised the Crown Representative that the contentions of the Thakore are, in his opinion untenable and that those of the Sardar commended themselves to his legal judgment. Sir Maurice says that there is no single principle which regulates cases where one person recommends and another appoints. One of the analogues which he has cited, namely, appointments to Universities in India, is rather a slippery one. Owing to the restricted character of the reference, precluding his taking into consideration any but the Strictly legal connotation of terms, Sir Maurice Gwyer could not consider whether any ruler, with a due sense of his responsibility, would give a blank cheque of this character to a political leader whose friends and followers at the time of the negotiations were, many of them, in his prisons or before his courts, and from whom some, perhaps all, of the seven men to be recommended might be drawn; and whether, after giving such a blank cheque he would follow it up next morning with a letter expressing his gratitude to him who has taken the blank cheque. As for the number of Committee members, it is generally found convenient to have an odd number in order to avoid the possibility of a tie. If the Chairman was to be one of ten, he will have either to have his right to vote restricted, or be given a casting vote, in case of a tie; the notification did not do either.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - April 8, 1939

Confessions of Pandit Nehru

It was the Pioneer, if we remember rightly, that created sensation by printing the first personal pronoun with the small "i" in reporting one of Lord Curzon's speeches, with the explanation that it was obliged to do so as the capital "I" in the printing room had been exhausted in the first half of His Excellency's address. The story came to mind when reading Pandit Jawaharlal's rambling statement on his position vis-a-vis of Mr. Subhashchandra Bose's re-election to preside over the Indian National Congress. After the almost cynically frank avowal by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and others of how Presidents were elected until Mr. Bose broke through the conventio, the Pandit would have lost any illusion that he might have cherished about his own re-election for a second and a third time. As Lord Melbourne remarked when he accepted the Garter, "There's no damned merit about it." The Pandit pathetically avows, "often I have felt that I was a square peg in a round hole." and that "during the year of my office I have frequently been on the verge of resigning because I felt that I could serve the Congress better if I did not have the responsibilities of office." Nevertheless, he stayed on because he says he was firmly convinced that "in the dynamic and critical times we live in, we must present a united front and subordinate our individual opinion where these tend to impair that front." One has heard a similar reason assigned by persons who held high office and let things be done which went against the principles professed by them. Another stock reason, which the Pandit has mercifully not advanved is that, if one resigned on the ground of principle, another who had never professed any principle would step into one's shoes. "How would that be better in the interests of the country?" Notwithstanding his feeling that he was a round man in a square hole, the Pandit stuck to his seat and he implies that he did something sacrificial in so doing. It was, to our mind, the plain duty of the Pandit to resign when he felt that he was a misfit in his office. He not only did violence to his own convictions but he let the public believe that he was pulling his weight in the movement on the lines he believed to be right. If every man who is entrusted with the responsibility of office, conceives his duty to be preserve at all costs a semblance of unity in the face of the outside world, the movement must inevitably lose its vitality. A touch of fresh air is enough to topple it. If the Pandit and other had better realised their duty to serve the movement not merely with their bodily presence but with their mind and soul, the election of a candidate to the Presidentship who was not favoured by the seniors, would not have caused all this fuss. Where there is no real agreement, it is no good to pretend that there is.

TANGANYIKA

An important conference of the area representatives of the Tanganyika League was held in Nairobi. It was attended by people from neighbouring territories and is reported to be the largest interterritorial gathering ever held in East Africa. The Conference was called for the purpose of deciding on the future policy of the League and to setup a strong and representative Central Council to carry on the League's work. The opportunity was taken to present to the Conference the report of the activities of the League by Major Cavendish Bentinck, the chief organiser and the real force behind the League.

The Conference discussed the future policy of the League behind closed doors and hence unless a communique is issued it is difficult to say what that policy is. In any case there could be no fear about the principle of opposition to the cession of Tanganyika to Germany. Indian representatives were present at this conference but their number was very small and we think large number of Indian representation is necessary. The League organiser may well arrange such representation next time if they did not want to create an impression abroad that after the first purpose was served they did not need Indians any further. On their part Indians must also join the League in large numbers and take active interest in its work. We do not know what discussions took place in the Conference or what decisions were taken but we hope the organisers will see that the League does not indulge into activities beyond the main object for which it is formed. Any effort to deal with such questions as future constitutional relations between Tanganyika and Kenya and Uganda will lead to immediate disruption of the League. Its main objective is to secure Tanganyika for Britain and once that aim is achieved it should be dissolved.

There is already a strongly organised Indian opinion definitely and unanimously opposed to any return of Tanganyika to Germany. What Sardar's visit will do is to cement it still further and remove for ever any doubt which some of us may have about it. Therefore, if one takes narrow view of the Visit on may say that sacrifice of time bye so important a man as Sardar Patel is not worth the work he may do here. But that is not so. The visit must be looked upon from the viewpoint of the personal knowledge which such a man will have of the position of Tanganyika in East Africa and the conditions in which his fellow-countrymen are living here.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - February 11, 1939

Kenya Daily Mail

A CONFERENCE ABOUT TANGANYIKA | VALLABHBHAI PATEL

The Tanganyika League is holding a conference in Nairobi as we go to press. The proceedings which began yesterday are scheduled to conclude today. Representatives from various parts of East Africa are attending the conference. It is interesting to note that the great bulk of the delegates are Europeans, but that there is a sprinkling of Indians, chief among them being the recently elected President of the E. A. Indian Congress and his secretary, together with two others. The fifth Indian delegate is from Dar-e-salaam; we understand that he does not bring with him his community's credentials. No Indian centre in East Africa has officially nominated a delegate to the Conference, not even Nairobi where the conference is being held. Out of the five Indian delegates three are from Nairobi representing the Congress and nominated as liaison members before the last session of the Congress, one from Dar-e-salaam and one from Mombasa. We lay great stress on the Indian representation at the Conference because it is essential that the non-India public and the authorities should be under no misapprehension about Indian participation in the affairs of the Tanganyika League.

The European representation at the Conference is larger numerically but not as much East African as it might have been Rhodesia, which is said to have over to 4000 members of the League, has sent no delegate, neither has Zanzibar nor Nyasaland. Uganda sends only one European delegate.

The conference is essentially European in representation and ideals and is the logical outcome of a series of attempts during a generation to bring East Africa under one control. But it must not be understood that it reflects the views or the wishes of the peoples of East Africa. And among the peoples of these territories there is that huge native population which has no say in its own destinies. Nor docs the conference command the unqualified support of the bulk of the Indian community whose name has unwittingly been mixed up through the rash and impolitic co-operation of a few persons who unfortunately for the community are at present in charge of the Congress.

At the recent session of the Congress the main resolution on Tanganyika purported to support the principle of self-determination for the peoples of East Africa. That was a repetition of the message which the President of the Indian National Congress sent to the distressed Indians in Tanganyika who had appealed to him for help during the weeks following the Munich agreement. The obvious inference which one has to draw from the participation in the Conference of the  President of the local Congress and some of his officials is that the Indian community is ever ready to apply the great principles of self-determination for immigrant races, but not to those whose land and resources are under exploitation by those races!

The situation has been complicated, much capital being made out of it by the Europeans by the report that SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL has been induced by Mahatma Gandhi to come to East Africa in order to organise a campaign among Indians against the return of Tanganyika to Germany. We are not sure about the authenticity of the report, but we will not be wrong in our surmise, if the report be correct that the Aga Khan's recently reported visit to Mahatma has, something to do with the Sardar's visit. 

The Aga Khan has shown a keen interest in the future of Tanganyika. He has a large spiritual following among Indians in that country and the surrounding territories. His first response to the appeal addressed to him by Tanganyika Indians was that they should seek the assistance of India, not to prevent the return of Tanganyika to Germany, but to ensure that Indians in that territory would get adequate compensation for their landed and other interests in the event of its German re-occupation. He appeared at the time to accept the inevitable, for it then seemed inevitable, that Tanganyika should change ownership, after the German triumph in Eastern Europe. But the tide of international events since then changed against Germany, and so did His Highness' appreciation of the actual facts. Soon after his arrival in Bombay a few weeks ago, the Aga Khan expressed himself as opposed to the return of the territory to Germany. His reported visit to the Mahatma followed next.

And now we have the report that a prominent Congressman and leader in India is to come out to East Africa to organise Indians against the return of Tanganyika. As our readers will have known, responsible opinion in india has been reluctant, like Indian opinion here, to express itself against the German claim and it was not long ago that the President of the Indian National Congress refused to be drawn in the controversy. The Sardar is said to be the virtual dictator of the Congress, but it is difficult to understand how his visit to this country could be undertaken unless the Congress headquarters at Wardha have sanctioned the step over which there must be considerable difference of opinion in non-Congress and even the Congress circles. The remarkable circumstance connected with the report is that the local Congress headquarters were in the dark about the proposed visit and that neither the Congress in India nor the Aga Khan have had any exchange of view with the local Congress on an issue of such great importance to Indians in East Africa.

It is yet to early to comment on this further complication created by the Sardar's proposed visit, but it ought to be clear to Congressmen in India that local opinion has settled itself to one clear issue, namely the retention of Tanganyika within the British fold. Indian opinion could not go further than that and if the Sardar's aim is to get Indians in East Africa to agree to the principle, he might spare himself the trouble and the time which the visit will necessitate.

Having made the Indian position on the future of Tanganyika and on the Tanganyika League clear, we await further developments in the matter. One good point about the Conference is that it has an item on its agenda proposing that Colonial Territories and Mandates should be internationalised. It is the one subject on which Indians and at the Conference might express themselves dispassionately, for there is an increasing consensus of opinion in India and in Britain that something substantial should be contributed to make peace a live reality. Under a scheme of this kind, India can have a fair share in the distribution of responsibility for East African affairs and a correspondingly greater right to interfere in the interests of its sons settled in these territories.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, popularly known as Sardar Patel, was an Indian politician. He served as the first Deputy Prime Minister of India.

1. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel ’s death at the age of 75 on 15th December, 1950, meant the loss to India, at a critical period of her development and at a time when the world situation is becoming increasingly threatening, of a personality who by his effectiveness, determination, and administrative capacity had, at least in the internal sphere, contributed more than any other man to India’s practical achievement and consolidation since independence. His health had, however, been failing for a long time and in the last few month his influence derived more from the general awareness of his continued presence in authority behind the scenes than from the part he played in day-to-day administration, which he was no longer able to supervise with his full former effectiveness.

2. Sardar Patel was a Gujarati by birth. Like so many Indian politicians he studied law as a young man, being called to the bar by the Inner Temple in London. Returning to India he built up a good legal practice at Ahmedabad, Like Motilal Nehru, he had no sympathy with the national movement in his early days but was converted into a keen Congress worker by meeting Mr. Gandhi, with whom his association was thereafter very close. He showed his administrative ability first as Mayor of Ahmedabad, but he first sprang to fame for his work as organiser of the Congress campaign for non-payment of Government land revenue in the Bardoli sub-district when the principle of “Satyagraha” was first tried out; this caused Mr. Gandhi to give him the mock-serious title of “Sardar” which clung to him ever since. From that time he had no rival as main organiser of the Congress Party machinery and chief controller of its activities. He was elected President of Congress in 1931. For the period between 1937, when the 1935 Act came into operation, and 1939 he controlled and co-ordinated the activities of the Congress Governments in the seven (later eight) provinces where they came into being, until the resignation of these Governments at the beginning of the war. During the war he played an active part in Congress affairs, undergoing detention for nearly three years following the” Quit India” Campaign of August 1942, and later in the negotiations which led to the promulgation of the Cabinet Mission plan. In the interim Government set up at the end of 1946 he took the portfolio of Home and Information Minister. This appointment he retained after transfer of power when he acquired in addition that of the newly-created States Ministry. His special position in India “with but after” Mr. Nehru was recognised by his appointment a Deputy Prime Minister, an appointment which has lapsed with his death.

3. A chief organizer and Treasurer of the Congress Party, Sardar Patel maintained until his death a complete grasp on the party machinery. The latest manifestation of the effectiveness of his control was the success. Against the Prime Minister’s known wishes, of the candidate whom he favoured, Purshottamdas Tandon, in the Congress presidential election of September 1950. Not a few of the Congress Ministries in the States owed their continuance in power to Patel’s support, and by his flying visits and consultations he was at all times ready to step in to smooth over a rift in one States Government or provincial congress party or lend a tottering Ministry in another State the support of his own unrivaled prestige. Less than a month after Patel’s death Hiralal Shastri, Chief Minister of Rajasthan, who for nearly two years had relied on the Sardar’s support against his political opponents, has been compelled to resign. It seems inevitable that with Patel gone and Nehru ill-litted by temperament for the role of party manager, discipline within the Congress Party will be relaxed and rifts and dissensions will increase within the Party, now an unwieldy body comprising too great a variety of political opinion for easy cohesion. In the eyes of the average Nationalist-minded Indian, however, Sardar Patel’s main work as a Congressman lay before 1947 in the organisation of the Congress Party with the objective of the attainment of India’s independence. Sardar Patel was undoubtedly one of the greatest “party bosses” the world has seen. Although personally honest, he was prepared to use most of the methods of Tammany Hall. His policy of financing the Congress Party by Marwari business men has been justly criticised and has left a legacy of corruption and graft which is now a serious handicap to the Party. Despite considerable humanity and personal charm of manner, he could be quite ruthless in dealing with opponents whenever he conceived that this was demanded by the national or Party interests. A word from him was usually enough to bring the most refractory to heel and any trouble, in Parliament or outside, were habitually nipped in the bud by the Sardar summoning his trusted henchmen or his opponents to confer with him at his house.

4. His work as Stales Minister in integrating the 600 odd former Princely State into the homogeneous pattern of the new India was possibly Sardar Patel’s greatest achievement, and, historically speaking, the one which now seems likely to endure longest. The Government of India were, of course, untrammeled by the treaty obligations which had prevented such a course being embarked upon during the period of British rule, but, nevertheless, the accomplishment of the task was a great achievement and at the same time a prerequisite to the consolidation of the new India in a unitary whole. The framework of the new structure had been practically completed by the lime of the Sardar’s death, although much remains to be done in breathing political life and administrative strength into the reconstituted States, and centrifugal tendencies and resistances still persist. There are now many voices saying that the work was done too quickly and it is perhaps significant that within a month of the Sardar’s death the Maharaja Gaekwar of Baroda’s Union of former Princely rulers came into the limelight with publicly-voiced complaints about the difficulty of the Rulers’ present position. The States Ministry were compelled to administer a public rebuke to the Maharaja of Baroda for complaints made by him regarding the merger of his state with Bombay. Patel’s personal prestige and position was, in fact, a very important element in the successful carrying out of the policy of the States Ministry, and with his dominating influence removed difficulties and dissatisfaction will no doubt be exploited and publicised by “reactionary” elements. Patel’s sense of political realism and judgment in deciding how far and how fast to go in introducing political reforms into the politically immature Princely States will also be missed, though it is only fair to add that his successor in the State Ministry. Gopalaswami Ayyangar is a sensible man with considerable administrative experience in the States. However, as an ex-Civil Servant he has none of the Congress contacts or authority so valuable in handling the e problems, and he is little more than the “creature” of Nehru, whose views on the States are apt to be colored by prejudice and emotion.

5. In the Horne Ministry, apart from his direct responsibility for centrally administered States, and for the all-India Civil and Police Services, Sardar Patel’s main concern was with the all-India aspects of law and order (primarily a provincial or “State” subject) and in particular with the suppression of Communism in India. The effectiveness of the measures taken to suppress Communism and for the maintenance of law and order were largely due to Patel’s inspiration and determination, and the general awareness of his determination and readiness if necessary, to take severe and even ruthless steps was an effective check on ‘the spread of lawlessness. Sardar Patel also dealt very effectively, although by different and more diplomatic means, with the extremist parties of the right, the Hindu Mahasabha and the R.S.S., and with the menace of provincialism, more especially from the Sikhs. His very reputation as a Hindu Nationalist stood him in good stead in keeping the Mahasabha and the R.S.S. in check and he had special and secret private arrangement with the R.S.S. leader and also with certain influential Sikhs, which have prevented any serious threat to Government coming from either of these tough and potentially dangerous groups. Unfortunately these arrangements were personal to the Sardar. So far as Communism (and for that matter Communalism) are concerned, Patel’s successor in the Home Ministry, Mr. Rajagopalachari, is determined to carry on Patel’s policy without relaxation and with possibly even greater severity in its application. Mr. Rajagopalachari is, of course, a man of great intellectual gifts and administrative capacity, and will no doubt be a very able successor to Sardar Patel, but at the same time one is inclined to doubt whether he has quite the same political savoir faire as Patel or knowledge of how far it is politically expedient, as opposed to theoretically desirable, lo go in the application of a given policy. Nor has he Sardar Patel’s unchallenged position in the Congress Party.

6. One of Sardar Patel’s greatest contributions to the consolidation of the new India was the relation hip of complete confidence which he established with the services, who had previously been regarded in Congress circles as the main supporters of alien rule. He was held in quite extraordinary regard by officials in his own and other Departments of the Government and, when he died, a spontaneous ma s meeting was attended by several thousand civil servants in the Secretariat of all ranks to record their grief at his loss. This respect arose not merely from admiration for his capacity for executive action without fuss and bother, but was al o due to the confidence which he placed in his trusted subordinates and his readiness to defend them publicly against criticism from outside, if need arose. They also knew that he could secure political support for any measures he considered necessary. Although assuming major political responsibility so late in life, he proved an admirable chief and a splendid administrator.

7. Apart from holding the portfolios of States and Home Affairs, sardar patel was also Deputy Prime Minister and his influence on government extended far outside his own Departments. In the economic sphere, for instance, Patel’s counsels, based as in all his dealings with affairs, on practical experience, were notable for common sense, sound judgment and realism, and they will be correspondingly missed. He maintained close contact with the business world, both Indian and British, and it was lo him rather than to the Prime Minister, that its leaders normally addressed their representations. While Nehru was in America a year ago Sardar Patel took the opportunity to reorient the Indian economy on sounder and less doctrinaire lines. It is true that he tended to place too much confidence in the judgment and honesty of some of his business contacts and that he had little understanding for progressive economic thought with a left tinge, but he provided much needed stability in the approach of the new India to her own and world economic problems, more especially as he was the only man in the country whose views Nehru had to take seriously into account.

8. In the sphere of external relations there had been a tacit understanding between Nehru and Sardar Patel that the former would be left a free hand, in return for the relatively free hand left to the Sardar in the domestic sphere. This agreement has always been respected in the interest of preventing any open breach between the two on matters where their opinions differed, as differ they did. In recent month, however with the threat from Communist China becoming plainer, Sardar Patel began to play an increasingly active part within the Cabinet and Party circles, in formulating and propounding views on foreign policy, the general tenor of which was that, in placing so much emphasis on “neutrality” India was risking her own safety and economic prospects; that if Communism swamped the rest of Asia India could not in the long run withstand the flood without the support of the Western democracies and that she should accordingly come clown firmly on the latter’s side. Sardar Patel’s main concern was for additional economic and military supplies, which could only come from the West and more especially from the United States and without which India’s future prospects would be bleak. He was also concerned with the international as well as with the internal menace of Communism and therefore suspicious of Soviet Russia and Red China. In adopting this attitude Patel had considerable support in the Cabinet and might even have been prepared to press his point of view to the extent of a breach with Nehru had not his death supervened. He had even publicly launched a campaign for better relations with the United States. With Patel gone there is no other member of the Cabinet able and willing to challenge Nehru’s person control of India’s foreign policy; his death thus removed the main political influence on Nehru in the direction of great realism in this field.

9. In the sphere of Indo-Pakistan relations Sardar Patel was regarded abroad, and more especially in Karachi, in a somewhat sinister light. As an orthodox Hindu he did not disguise his communal sympathies, his regret over partition (which, however, he had done much to bring about in the last stages), his violent resentment of any discrimination against Hindus in Pakistan, and his general antipathy towards Pakistan. Nevertheless as a realist he had come to acknowledge that Pakistan and that India, in her own interests must work with her neighbor. The Hind extremists and indeed the many millions of orthodox Hindu, who still represent the basic India, were aware of his sympathies, and the knowledge that his powerful voice could be heard in the Cabinet reassured them: he was therefore, a stabilizing influence, so long as he did not allow his strong Hindu feelings to cloud his judgement. The freedom with which he expressed these feelings in public as well as in private gave grounds for justifiable anxiety in Pakistan. Nevertheless when a decision had to be taken his judgment remained sound and he gave full weight to the real interests of India, acknowledging the necessity to avoid a complete breach with Pakistan. Indeed, on the Kashmir issue he had pressed Nehru strongly to agree to a settlement with a view to disposing of all the major issues between the two countries and his death has seriously prejudiced the prospect of early progress.

10. In dealing with the various aspects of Sardar Patel’s political activity  people have referred more than once to the divergence of outlook between him and Mr Nehru. The two men were, of course, temperamentally poles apart and the natural inclination of each must have been to disapprove of or at least lo disagree with not only the actual ideas and proposals of the other but with the other’s whole personality and approach to life. The fact that they nevertheless managed to work together as a most effective political team with relatively little friction reflects great credit on them both but more especially upon Sardar Patel as the older man with such a strong grip upon the party machine that he could at any moment have made Nehru’s political position extremely difficult. The fundamental reason for the maintenance of an unnatural partnership was no doubt the fact that they had both worked so closely with Gandhi as his leading lieutenants in the struggle for freedom and that they had both in their very different ways been deeply affected by Gandhian philosophy. It is said, with truth, that Gandhi, having cast the mantle of his succession on Nehru, appealed to Sardar Patel lo work with Nehru for the good of the nation and to guide him with his much greater knowledge of the real India and with his greater sense of realism. Sardar Patel certainly took it on himself to fulfill this role and, although he permitted himself to criticize Nehru very freely in private and even on occasion to oppose him in public, he never allowed if his criticism or opposition to go so far as to under-mine Nehru’s position. He realized that Nehru’s popularity throughout the country and his international position were immense assets to India in her first years of independence. He realised also that in his own failing stale of health he could not replace Nehru effectively as the Prime Minister for long. He also probably had a shrewd idea that. if Nehru were thrown out by the majority which Sardar Patel controlled in Parliament and in the Congress Party, he might well have come back to power with a more left wing programme based on his strong popular support among the masses. Sardar Patel was, therefore, ready to play a secondary role such as few political figures of his eminence have been ready to play and to content himself with wielding effective power in the background and acting a Nehru’s mentor and guide on all those issues to which he, Sardar Patel. attached importance.

11. With his death Nehru is left alone in the position of leader of the State. No alternative is now seen to his leadership, even among those who regard his head as being too high in the clouds, and to the Congress Party his popular appeal is an important factor for retaining the support of the electorate in the future. He is free again to pursue a personal foreign policy, and the pressure to qualify his principle of non-attachment is relaxed. A Kashmir settlement again becomes a matter for his sole decision. The Congress Party machine to some extent offers itself to his control in the absence of any strong party manager to follow in Patel’s footsteps: but detailed party management is highly distasteful to Nehru, and it is questionable whether he will shoulder the burden. The process of disintegration within the party, already evident, may be expected to be accelerated. Administratively the removal of Patel’s watchful eye for the interests of practical efficiency gives Nehru more scope for pursuing his economic ideals, which have hitherto shown insufficient grasp of the limitations of Indian administrative and business resources. The death of the “Man of Iron” therefore casts long and dark shadows and it is impossible to say with any confidence that they will be dispersed at any early date.

12. It is too early to assess finally Sardar Patel’s place in history but, whatever nay be the future of the new India which he has built up with Gandhi and Nehru, he has a claim to figure on a short list of the great world figures of the 20th century. He had not only the appearance but also the manner and the qualities of a great Roman Emperor. Despite a very limited education and little experience until the latter year of his life of great world events outside the Indian Congress Party, he had the directness of approach and the sureness of touch which mark the great statesman. Even in three short years, dogged by ill-health and at the close of a long life, he made his mark upon India as few have clone since Akbar and Clive. The depth and universality of the grief with which hi death was received by Indians of all clashes and the disquiet felt by all thinking Indian about the future of India without his hand effectively at the helm are proof enough of his stature inside India. He had no opportunity to make a similar mark on the international scene, where he was inevitably out-shadowed by Nehru. But in his approach to international problems he showed the same robust common sense and determination to get to the heart of the matter as he displayed on the internal scene. He saw clearly the force at work in the modern world and he had no doubt where India should stand in the struggle between Soviet imperialism and the democratic cause. Although one of the greatest and most dangerous opponents of Britain during the struggle for freedom, he became after 1947 a staunch advocate of the Commonwealth connection and of good relations between Britain and India. His death was therefore a very serious loss not only to India but to the Commonwealth and to the whole democratic world.

Karamsad

કરમસદ પ્રત્યે મારો સ્નેહ...

એક સવાલ મારા મન માં સદાય હતો કે જ્યારે સરદાર પટેલ આઝાદી ની લડત લડતા હતા અને સ્વતંત્ર ભારત ને નવો આકાર આપતા હતા ત્યારે કરમસદ ગામ માં શું પ્રવ્રુતિઓ ચાલી રહી હતી? આ સવાલ નો જવાબ શોધતા મને જે વિગતો પ્રાપ્ત થઈ એમાં કરમસદ ગામનો મારા જન્મ પહેલાંનો ઈતિહાસ આટલો રસપ્રદ હશે એ મે કદીએ વિચાર્યુ નહોતું, માનવી ની ઉત્સુકતા જ માનવી ને કાંઇક કરવાની પ્રેરણા આપે છે. આપણા પુર્વજો એ કેટકેટલા સદકરમ કર્યા એટલે જ કદાચ આ ગામનું પહેલાં થી જ નામ કરમસદ છે, જે સદાય સદ કરમ કરવા ની પ્રેરણા આપતું હતું, છે અને રહેશે….

કરમસદ ગામે ભારતના જગવિખ્યાત રાજ પુરુષો અને અનન્ય દેશભક્તો સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વિઠ્ઠલભાઈ પટેલ અને સદા આદરણીય શ્રી વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ જેઓને આપણે સરદાર પટેલના નામે જાણીએ જ છીએ. આ જ ગામની દિકરી સદા આદરણીય શ્રીમતી મણીબેન પટેલ કે જેમણે પોતાના પિતાની દેશભક્તિ અને દેશદાઝ માટે પોતાના જીવન ની આહુતી પિતાના ચરણોમાં આર્પી, કરમસદ ગામના જ શ્રી બાબુભાઈ પટેલ જેઓનું આપણે બાબુભાઈ શહીદ સ્મારક કરમસદના જુના બજાર પાસે બનાવેલ છે. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે રાષ્ટ્રીય ચળવળમાં પણ પોતાનો ખુબજ મોટો ફાળો આપેલ છે.

કરમસદ ગ્રામ પંચાયત ની સ્થાપના ૨૫-૧૨-૧૯૪૦ ના રોજ કરવા માં આવેલ જે “અ” વર્ગ ની ગ્રામ પંચાયત તરીકે સ્થાપાયેલ, જે આજે નગરપાલિકા બની છે. ૧૯૫૪ માં કરમસદ નું ક્ષેત્રફળ ૬.૧ ચો. માઈલ, ઘરો : ૨૧૮૫, કુટુંબ : ૨૩૮૫ અને વસ્તી માં પુરુષો : ૬૩૭૨, સ્ત્રી : ૪૬૪૬ એમ કુલ ૧૮૦૧૮ હતી. આણંદ – ખંભાત ની રેલ્વે લાઈન ઉપર્નું આણંદ પછીનું સ્ટેશન. ગામ નાં ઘણાં લોકો દેશનાં મોટા શહેરોમાં અને પરદેશ ખાસ કરીને પુર્વ આફ્રિકા માં વસતા હતા અને આર્થિક રીતે સધ્ધર હતા, છે અને રહેશે.

ગામમાં લાખિયો કુવો, ખારો કુવો, રબારી નો કુવો અને મોટો કુવો એ મુખ્ય અને મોટા કુવા હતા, તે સિવાય નાની કુઈઓ પણ ઘણી હતી, આજે આ કયા સ્વરુપ માં છે તે મને ખબર નથી. એ વખતે શ્રી જશભાઈ જીવાભાઈ પટેલ પોતાનું ખાનગી વોટર વર્ક્સ ગામમાં ચલાવતા, ગ્રામપંચાયત તરફથી નવુ મોટું વોટર વર્ક્સ કરવાની યોજના કરવામાં આવેલ. સરદાર પટેલના સ્વપ્ન વલ્લભ વિધ્યાનગર ઉભું કરવા માટે કરમસદ ગામ ના લોકો એ પોતાની જમીનો ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ હતી. આ સિવાય કરમસદ ગામે ઉદ્યોગિકરણ અને યુવાનનો ને રોજગારી મળે તે માટે જરૂરી જમીન વિઠ્ઠલ ઉદ્યોગનગર માટે આપેલ, તથા આરોગ્ય – તબીબી સેવા માટે જમીનની જરૂર પડતા કરમસદ ગામે પોતાની જમીનો ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક આપેલ જે આજે શ્રી ક્રિષ્ના હોસ્પિટલ / ચારૂતર આરોગ્ય મંડળ તરીકે જાણીતી બની છે અને આ જમીનો આપવા માટે મુખ્ય ઉદ્દેશ સમાજ તથા આવનાર પેઢીને મદદરૂપ બનવા માટેનો જ હતો. ગામ માં ૧૯૫૧થી એક દવાખાનું ચાલે છે અને આ દવાખાનાનું મકાન શ્રી પુનમભાઈ નરસિંહ ભાઈ પટેલે તથા પ્રસુતી ગ્રુહનું મકાન શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ હાથીભાઈ પટેલે બંધાવેલ. જેને આપણે સ્ટેશન રોડ ઉપર આવેલ સરકારી દવાખાના તરીકે ઓળખીએ છીએ. શ્રી ઠાકોરભાઈ પટેલ (વૈધ) કરમસદ બસ સ્ટેંડ પાસે બાલ મંદિર નું મકાન પણ બંધાવેલ છે. જેને આજે આપણે જુનું બાલમંદીર પણ કહીએ છે.

સરદાર વલ્લભાઈ પટેલ હાઇસ્કુલ શ્રી સોમાભાઈ મીઠાભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી અંબાલાલ હાથીભાઈ પટેલ, શ્રી મણીભાઈ બાબરભાઈ પટેલ ના વડીલ પરિવાર દ્વારા ખુબજ ઉત્સાહ પુર્વક બંધવામાં દાન આપેલ અને નાની નાની રકમ નું દાન કરવામાં પણ ટુકડે ટુકડે સવલત અનુસાર આપવા ની વ્યવસ્થા કરેલ જે કરમસદ કેળવણી મંડળ ના જુના વાર્ષિક આહેવાલો થી પણ માલુમ પડે છે.

૧૯૫૪ થી આજ દિન સુધી કુમાર શાળા અને કન્યા શાળા અલગ અલગ ચાલે છે. તેમાં કન્યાશાળા સંવત ૨૦૦૩માં ગામ નાં શ્રી ત્રિભોવનદાસભાઈ ખુશાલભાઈ પટેલ અને તેઓના ભાઈ શ્રી કાશીભાઈ પટેલ અને શ્રી ડાહ્યાભાઈ પટેલ એ તેમના કાકી શ્રીમતી સાકરબાના સ્મર્ણાર્થે રૂપિયા ૧,૩૫,૦૦૦=૦૦ ના ખર્ચે તળાવ ઉપર “પાટીદાર નિવાસ” (ધર્મશાળા) બંધાવેલ જે આજે સાકરબા કન્યાશાળા ના નામે ઓળખાય છે, અને એ વખતે કુમારશાળા નું મકાન સાકડું હોવાથી બીજા મકાનો પણ ભાડે રાખી ને પણ ગામ ના સંતાનો ને ભણવા માટે સગવડ કરી આપેલ, ભણતર ની સાથે સાથે પુસ્તકાલય પણ જરૂરી છે અને આ માટે શ્રી શિવાભાઈ દાદાભાઈ પટેલ એ મકાન બંધાવી આપેલ જેનું નામ “વિદ્યાર્થી સમાજ પુસ્તકાલય” તરીકે આજે પણ જાણીતું છે. જેમાં છાપા ઉપરાંત ૭૦૦૦ જેટલા પુસ્તકો પણ ૧૯૫૪ દરમ્યાન હતાં.

આજ કાલ ખાનગી બસ સેવા આણંદ થી કરમસદ ચાલે છે તથા બીજા અન્ય સ્થળો માટે પણ ચાલે છે, પરંતુ કદાચ અપણે નહિ જાણતા હોઈએ કે આ ખાનગી બસ સેવા ની શરુઆત વર્ષ ૧૯૫૪ પહેલા કરમસદ થી આણંદ જવા ખાનગી બસ સર્વિસ ચાલતી હતી જેમાં એક બસ ખાસ વલ્લભ વિદ્યાનગર વિધ્યાર્થી ઓ ને લેવા-મુકવા ની વ્યવસ્થા પણ હતી.. આપ સમજી શકો છો કે કરમસદ ના લોકો ની દિર્ગદ્રષ્ટી કેટલી હતી અને જે પોતાની આગવી બસ સર્વિસ એ જમાના માં ચલાવતું હતું. અને આજે આપણા જ ગામના પાટીદાર ના વિચારો નું કોઈ એ અનુકરણ કરે તો તે બાબતે હું પોતે તો ગર્વ અનુભવું છું અને આવું જ ભવિષ્ય માં પણ થવું જોઈએ.

સમય, શક્તિ, ધન, બુધ્ધિ, દરેક રીતે ગામ અને સમાજ ને સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે મદદરૂપ થાય તે બધાને દાતા કહી શકાય… એ જમાનામાં ટેક્નોલોજીનો અભાવ / ઉપયોગ પણ નહી થતો હોય, જો આમ છતાં વડિલો તથા મહાનુભાવોએ કરી બતાવ્યુ તો આપણે તો આજ ની યુવા પેઢી ટેક્નોલોજી સાથે બહુજ સારી રીતે માહિત્ગાર છે તો આપણે કરમસદ માટે તો કાંઈક એવા કાર્યો કરી જ શકીએ કે જેથી કરીને આપણા મા-બાપ, આવનારી નવી યુવા પેઢી, ગામ અને સૌથી ઉપર સમાજ પણ ગૌરવ અનુભવશે.

એવું નથી કે કરમસદમાં કદીએ મુશ્કેલીઓ નથી આવી પરંતુ કરમસદ સદાય એ મુશ્કેલીઓ નો સામનો કરી ને કરમસદે સદાય પોતાની આગવી ઓળખ ઉભી કરી છે અને ભવિષ્યમાં પણ કરશે…

ભુતકાળ ના અનુભવો થી વર્તમાન જીવવા થી ભવિષ્ય સદાય ઉજ્જ્વળ બને છે એવુ મારુ મનવું છે.

આ સિવાય ગામ ના કોઇ મહાન કે પ્રતિષ્ઠિત વ્યક્તિ / વડીલ નું નામ મારા થી ધ્યાન બહાર ગયેલ હોય તો પુત્ર / મિત્ર સમજી માફ કરજો અને ઈરાદપુર્વક નથી તેની હું ખાત્રી આપું છું. તથા હું માનું છુ કે મે કોઇ સ્વર્ગસ્થ વડિલ કે મહાનુભાવના નામ ની આગળ સ્વ. નથી કહેલ એનું એકજ કારણ કે દરેકે દરેક સીધી કે આડકતરી રીતે આપણી વચ્ચે કે આપણા હ્ર્દય માં સદા જીવંત છે, હતાં અને રહેશે.

સરદાર પટેલ અમર રહો..

END OF THE RAJKOT FAST

Whatever one may think of fasting as a method of solving social and political deadlocks and whatever one may think of its application to the Rajkot case, all will be glad that Gandhiji broke his fast on Tuesday. During the four days and half of its duration, Gandhiji's strength appreciably waned, and its continuance even for a few days longer would have been attended with grave risk to his life. According to Gandhiji's own avowal, it is due entirely to the Viceroy that this calamity was averted. Gandhiji, too has contributed to the happy result by not standing out for the terms of his ultimatum to the Thakore Sahib. The Thakore Sahib too has acted wisely in consenting to the points in dispute in the correspondence between himself and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, being referred to the adjudication of the Chief Justice of India. The Sardar's consent may be presumed from the acceptance of the condition by Gandhiji who has taken the conduct of the Rajkot affair where the Sardar left it. We are glad of this result not only because it puts an end to what had degenerated into a personal squabble between the Thakore Sahib and Sardar Patel, but also and even more, because it has created an atmosphere of genuine friendliness and goodwill in which the question of constitutional reform in British India and the States can be advanced further.  Lord Linlithgow's handling of this very delicate situation has been so satisfactory as to induce Gandhiji to forego his much-desired visit to the Congress now in session at Tripura, in order that he might meet the Viceroy at the first opportunity when he is fit to travel to Delhi. Evidently he feels that there is more important work to be done in Delhi than in Tripura. This we believe, is the first session of the Congress which Gandhiji has left to be conducted by his coadjutors without his personal guidance since it adopted the creed of non-cooperation. In view of the differences which have arisen over the election of Mr. Subhas Bose to the Presidentship, and the resignation of the majority of members of the Working Committee, Gandhiji's presence and services as conciliator will be much missed at Tripura. The article on the Rajkot fast on another page was written two days before its sudden end.

 

Source : Indian Social Reformer - March 11, 1939

MUNICH AGREEMENT or POLITICAL BLACKMAIL?

The idea of calling upon all Congress Provincial Government to resign because the Thakore of Rajkot has not conformed to his undertaking with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel or because the authorities at Jaipur do not want the presence of Mr. Jamnalal Bajaj within their borders, recalls the delightful Elia Essay about the Chinaman who first discovered that pork was a delicacy. Neither of these potentates is under any obligation to acknowledge the excellence of parliamentary government as the panacea for all the ills they and their subjects are suffering from. The Viceroy, no doubt, is anxious to have the provincial part of the Government of India Act to continue to function under their present Governments as it provides the strongest argument in favour of and the best hope for the acceptance of the Federal part. But there is a limit beyond which he can not go even for this purpose. Otherwise, it would be better to scrap the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole Act and pass another handing over the whole administration, British India and the States, to the Congress hierarchy. The wobbling methods of the Government of India have created confusion all round. The are unfair both to the States and to British India outside the Congress. They are unfair to the Congress also. Though the leaders do not seem to realise it the position of the Congress in the light of the frequent appeals to the Viceroy for intervention is exactly that of Indian States which also look to him for protection. Unless there is a "Munich Agreement" between Lord Linlithgow and Gandhiji, these frequent calls upon his powers as Crown representative to intervene at the threat of withdrawing the Congress ministries from eight provinces looks unpleasantly like political blackmail. One advantage of Mr. Subhash Bose's taking over control of the Congress would be to get rid of the camouflage which obscures the real issues of politics at the present day.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 11-02-1939

THE RAJKOT IMBROGLIO

The Public have now before it the correspondence in the shortlived Rajkot revolution between the Thakore and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, between Mr. Patel and Sir P. Caddell, Gandhiji's statement thereon and the Government of India's communique dealing with Gandhiji's demand that the Government should interfere and call upon the Thakore to carry out his undertaking to Sardar Patel. It will be difficult for the impartial historian perusing these documents, say, fifty years hence, to conclude that the Sardar or Gandhiji comes out best in the controversy. it will be equally difficult for him to avoid concluding that Sir Patrick Cadell is the one party in the correspondence who has acted with perfect candour and loyalty to the Thakore Sahib who engaged him as Chief Minister. The Thakore Sahib avows that his object in taking on Sir Patrick was that he should put down the agitation of his subject. Sir Patrick Cadell when he came into office and looked into the grievances of the people, found that there were just causes for them and that the Thakore Sahib, his master, has been very neglectful in the discharge of his duties as ruler of the State. He told the Thakore Sahib this and exhorted him to devote more attention to the affairs of the State and be more accessible to his subjects. The Thakore did not like this plan speaking. He, in fact, resented it and dispensed with the Dewan's services on the plea that so long as he was in Rajkot the people will look up to him and not to himself, their ruler, as the fountain of power. The Resident had to intervene at this stage and to remind the Thakore that the Government of India had approved of the appointment of Sir Patrick on the distinct understanding that it will last for a term of not less than six months. The Thakore, thereupon, withdrew his order. At the same time he opened negotiations with Sardar Patel and he reached an agreement with him apparently without the knowledge and certainly without consent of his responsible Minister. This agreement enabled him to oust Sir Patrick from his office and to bring back the old Dewan. The Thakore rejected some of the Sardar's nominees to the Committee on constitutional reform and appointed others on the ground that minority rights were ignored by the Sardar. GAndhiji at this stage came out with his call on the Government of India to compel the Thakore to accept the Sardar's nominees. That Government , to be fair has shown itself willing to help him whenever it can as in the Orissa Governorship. But it has to maintain appearances at least in its dealings with States. The call made upon it to overrule the Thakore, argued Gandhiji, was not a call for intervention. We do not know what else it is. The Government has in a closely reasoned statement shown that it cannot possibly comply with Gandhiji's invitation, much as it would have been happy to do so could it have done so. We must record our emphatic protest against the venerable and venerated person of Mr. Kasturba Gandhi being dragged into this sordid agitation.

SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - NOVEMBER 23, 1946

In moving a resolution relating to the Interim Government Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel explained the difficulties that stood in the way of the Central Government's intervention in Provincial matters, such as the Calcutta and Noakhali disturbances. He declared that he had warned Bengal's leaders who saw him after the Calcutta riots that East Bengal was bound to be the next scene of trouble. He told them "If you want independence you must learn to defend yourselves and your neighbours and other helpless people. You should not run to the army or the police for protection."

Replying to critics who spoke or non-violence and avoidance of civil strife Sardar Patel reiterated his conviction that the sword must be met by the sword. Mahatma Gandhi said it was better to use violence than to be a coward. Non-violence was a weapon which it was beyond the power of ordinary men to use, and, therefore, Sardar Patel urged people to adopt violence in self-defence and only in self-defence, or in defence of neighbours. He gave this advice because the present Central Government during the transference of power was in a state of paralysis. 

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SPEECH OF SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL - JULY 6th, 1948

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel seconding the resolution said that the resolution covered the two statements by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy of May 16 and June 16. The Working Committee had accepted the Mission's proposals contained in their statement of May 16 but rejected the Provisional Government proposal contained in their statement of June 16.

Making it clear that the resolution just moved by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad could not be amended in any manner Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel said, "WE PLACE THIS RESOLUTION BEFORE THE HOUSE FOR RATIFICATION. EITHER YOU ACCEPT IT OR REJECT IN TOTO."

"Four Parties, the Cabinet Mission, the Congress, the Muslim League and the Indian Princes, have accepted the constitutional plau envisaged in the State Paper issued by the Cabinet Mission on May 16. All vital details connected with the negotiations have been fully published. You are aware the Muslim League first accepted the May 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission. We deferred our decision until the full picture was available to us, namely, of the Constituent Assembly and the Interim Provisional Government. The Interim Government plan was published in the June 16 statement of the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy. We decided to reject this proposal as it did not accord with our demands. We however decided to accept the Constituent Assembly scheme contained in the May 10 statement. We have made it clear to the Cabinet Mission that the proposed Constituent Assembly will not prove a success if a responsible, representative Provisional Government at the Centre is not established soon. They have made it clear that the Care-taker Government will be there only for a few days. 

Consistent with the existing circumstances we have secured the widest franchise possible for the election to the Constituent Assembly. The most dangerous proposal in the Constituent Assembly scheme is the one relating to Grouping. Our interpretation of the relevant paragraph in the State Paper is that the provinces are free to decide at the initial stage whether they wish to join a particular Group in which they have been placed. No province can be compelled to join any Group against its own wishes. 

The difficulty about Europeans participating in the voting to the Constituent Assembly election has been practically overcome. We have thus secured a Constituent Assembly almost on the lines we have demanded all these years. Furthermore, under the proposed scheme the transfer of power from British to Indian hands will be smooth and peaceful. It is therefore, our conviction that we should take advantage of the scheme and not plunge the country in struggle.

At the very commencement of our negotiations with the Cabinet Delegation we made it clear to them that we could talk to them only on the basis of a free and independent India. The British Cabinet Mission accepted this and made it clear that their acceptance of our demand was without any reservation. In the face of such assurance it is difficult for us not to believe them.

We have also made sure that there shall be one undivided India with one Central Government. What the shape of that Central Government will be, is a matter for the Constituent Assembly to decide. The Muslim League sees germs of Pakistan in the scheme. We see a United India. It is for the Constituent Assembly to decide who is right."

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to the great injustice done to the great Sikh community in the Cabinet Mission's proposals and said that the Sikhs had not been consulted before they were thrown, bound hand and foot, into the "B" Group. Their being put in "B" Group without their consent naturally placed the at a disadvantageous position and therefore they were smarting under the sense of a grievance. Furthermore, the speaker could not see any reason why the Sikhs were not given the same safeguards and communal veto as had been given to the Muslims. He was opposed to all vetoes but once such a veto had been given to the Muslims he could not see the reason why it was refused in the case of the Sikhs. The Sikhs are a brave people and it is unwise to disregard their just demand.

Referring to the Indian States, Sardar Patel welcomed the Cabinet Mission's statement saying that once India was independent there would be no further paramountcy. The Cabinet Mission's statement had made it clear that in future that States rulers would have to look more and more to their own subjects rather than to the Paramount Power if they wanted progress. The question of representation in the Constituent Assembly of States people had not been decided, but he hoped that the Indian princes would provide adequate representation for their people in the Constituent Assembly.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel referred to numerous telegrams he was daily receiving seeking admission into the Constituent Assembly as delegates and said that this urge, coupled with the unanimous support the nationalist Press had given to the Congress in its decision to accept the proposal, clearly showed the verdict of the country in favour of the Congress Working Committee's decision.

Source : Making of the Indian Constitution 

VANDE MATARAM

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