RAJKOT

The Thakore Sahib of Rajkot, has after an eight hours parley with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel agreed to appoint a Committee consisting of a majority of members of the principal political organization in the State, to draw up a scheme of responsible government for his people. This does not advance by a single inch the cause of constitutional reform in Indian States including Rajkot. What has really happened, if nothing supervenes to annual it, is that Sardar Patel has become Mayor of the Palace and the Thakore Sahib and his subjects will have henceforth to submit to his rule. It will be very good thing for the State because Sardar Patel is an exceedingly capable and resolute administrator. His success in toning p the municipal administration of Ahmedabad during his presidentship of the Municipality wrung a tribute of praise from an unsympathetic Minister in the previous diarchy. But political agitators will have short shrift at his hands and the men and women who helped him in this palace revolution, unless they acquire a loyalist mentality will feel his hand as heavy on them as on the Thakore Sahib.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 31 December 1938

VANDE MATARAM

Violence, Non-Violence And Congress Government

The resort to police firing by Congress Government and the declared faith of the Congress organisation in non-violence, which is being affirmed with embarrassing reiteration by Gandhiji in recent statements, present together a perplexing phenomenon to the public. The Bombay Government, according to their own account, were not able to control a worker's demonstration which failed to attract labour to its cause, without resort firing. The Madras Government according report in the Times of India, had recourse to the same weapon in controlling an anti-Hindi meeting in Ettiyapuram, even though the anti-Hindi agitation is represented by that Government to be a factious agitation which is now fizzling out. The only difference between Madras and Bombay is that in Bombay there were a number of injuries and two deaths as the result of police firing while in Madras there were no casualties. To cover the changed situation Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel has redefined non-violence. From what we can understand of his statement on the subject Congress Government can only give up the weapon of firing if political agitators abandon violence first. There is no difference between this attitude of the prominent Congress leader and that of the British politician-official of the Montagu Chelmsford period. Mr. Patel has probably forgotten that in the days of civil disobedience even a lathi charge was regarded as an indefensible use of force against unarmed crowds. And then it was just the same defence of police violence which he uses now that he resented that the crowds had not observed non-violent principles. There is some excuse for Sardar Vallabhbhai's line of reasoning in the change that has occurred in his own position from irreconcilable agitator to controller of eight provincial Governments; and we are prepared to make due allowance for this. What we cannot understand is the attitude of widely differing sections of the nationalist press. Like the British statesman on Federation, the Bombay Chronicle which ridicules his advice, solemnly asks the Bombay opposition not to condemn the Trades Disputes Bill until it has actually been worked. The Congress Socialist has swallowed all its differences with Mr. Patel and now earnestly rebukes the strike organisers for not ensuring that the movement was completely non-violent and that it was not prevented from growing into an anti-Congress demonstration. One would infer from this attitude on the part of a labour journal that the strikers were from the outset a violent undisciplined crowd. This is not borne out by the reports of the demonstration, which, after all, are more convincing if in his signed article he had told his readers how a demonstration against a measure sponsored by a Congress Government could be run on pro-Congress lines-particularly when the difference between Labour and Congress was as fundamental as it was on the Trades Disputes Bill The Only conclusion one can draw from the attitude of the Congress Socialist is that on this occasion it has proved more Congress than Socialist. Congressmen we are afraid, do not adequately appreciate the seriousness of the position. Non-violence which may be a virtue if self-assumed, comes very near an evil when it is insisted on as a preliminary to peaceful settlement of political disputes. A non-violent politician is more likely to be driven to a state of panic by stray instances of mob-violence than a politician who does not look for cherubic virtues in his people. What is a matter for sympathy in a private individual becomes a fearful thing in a man in control of the Government machinery.

VANDE MATARAM

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Congress and Indian States

To his many responsibilities Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel has added the task of putting strength into political agitators in Indian States. In his presidential address to the Baroda State Subject's Conference, Mr. Patel pointed with evident satisfaction to the growing unrest in some of the States and attributed it to the decision of the Indian National Congress at Haripura to leave the people of Indian States to conduct their own agitation. Mr. Patel held out British India as an example and told his audience how the people in the British provinces were now participating in their own Government. He advised the Baroda State subjects to win self-government through discipline, organization, unity and a readiness to make sacrifices. Self-government, he said, was never gifted from above. In unfurling the Congress flag earlier, Mr. Patel had pulled rather in the opposite direction by urging that the flag should "never be interpreted as an indication of opposition to authority." We fail to see how self-government can be won, without being "conferred as a boon by the ruler", and without "opposition to authority" as well. The only interpretation that can be put on Mr. Patel's complex reasoning is that the Congress must be kept scrupulously out of all States agitation while individual Congress leaders maintain popular discontent at a steady level without at the same time losing the favour of the rulers.

VANDE MATARAM

Congress Hierarchy and Madras Premier

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel broke, in a speech at Karachi, the long silence of the Congress hierarchy on the arrest and conviction of anti-Hindi agitators in Madras under the Criminal Law Amendment Acts. He said that the Congress is now, as before it accepted office, opposed to these laws. But their use was necessitated in Madras by local conditions and by the use of vulgar and obscene language by picketers. He foreshadowed the repeal of the Acts within two months. As regards local conditions, we are not aware of any special conditions in Madras which require the use of a law which was condemned as oppressive and repressive when applied to the whole country by the Willingdon Government which, to do it justice, did not profess to be a popular Government. On the contrary, the Tamil land has perhaps the most law-abiding population in the whole country. Neither is the Sardar well-informed when he alleged that the opposition to the application of the Act came from a small section which was at the back of the anti-Hindi agitation. The opposition to compulsory Hindi is widespread, although the Madras Government may choose to belittle it just as Lord Lansdowne laughed at the Congress as a microscopic minority. The opposition to the application of the Act is not confined to the anti-Hindi campaigners. Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari who moved for leave to introduce a Bill for its repeal, definitely declared that he had no sympathy whatever with that agitation. He was not a non-Brahmin member of the Justice Party which is said to be working up the agitation to overthrow the Congress. Then, as regards vulgar language, the Sardar himself is no Chrysostom. He can no occasion rise or descend to language which Gandhiji would not admit at his prayer meetings. The that the Act stands to be repealed within two months, is wholly against the tenor of the many speeches which the Madras Premier has recently made on the subject. If it does come to pass then Mr. Rajagopalachari will cease to be regarded, as he is, as the one strong man of the Congress who goes his own way regardless of what happens at Wardha or Shegaon The country will watch with interest the progress of this political khedda operation.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 3rd September1938

VANDE MATARAM

PANDIT MALAVIYA AND THE R. T. C.

While the Civil & Military Gazette's Shimla correspondent says that Mahatma Gandhi told him that he did not want Pandit Malaviya to accompany him to London, and that his place was in India along with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, an A. P. I. telegram from Simla states that "it is understood that Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya will accompany Mahatma Gandhi to England by the S. S. Multan sailing on the 15th August." For our part we would much rather credit the second statement than the first. It is inconceivable, writes the Tribune of Lahore, that the Mahatma could in this matter, have bracketed Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, besides  being the President of the Congress for the year, is a follower of Mahatma Gandhi in the strictest sense of the term. Pandit Malaviya, on the other hand, though in the Congress, holds a distinctly independent position, and in many matters of vital importance he has consistently opposed Mahatma Gandhi. Mainly for this reason he has not the same influence in Congress circles that Sardar Patel or Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru commands, though, of course, he is universally respected and revered. It cannot therefore, be said either that the Pandit's presence in India is needed in the same sense or to the same extent as the presence of Sardar Patel is needed in the opinion of the Mahatma, or that his presence of Sardar Patel is needed in the opinion of the Mahatma, or that his presence in England along with Mahatma Gandhi would be superfluous. He would undoubtedly, in many matters, bring an independent mind to bear on the questions that will come up for discussion; and both on account of the ripeness of his judgment and his vast and almost unrivalled experience of public life in India, his advice is bound to be of the greatest value both to Mahatma Gandhi himself and to the generality of delegates, both Indian and British. We, therefore, earnestly hope, whether the Congress delegation is or is not enlarged, that Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and some other leading Indians, including a number of nationalist Muslims like Sir Ali Imam and Dr. Ansari, will be definitely included in the Indian delegation.

Source : Indian Social Reformer - 25 July 1931

VANDE MATARAM

THE CONGRESS OUTLOOK

While the Tribune and the Mahratta welcome the resolution of the Nagpur Congress Committee urging the necessity of revising the programme of the Indian National Congress, we are surprised to see Mr. V. J. Patel and others protesting against the scheme which has been drawn up, it is understood, by an Indian administrator who has studied the introduction and working of responsible Government in one important Dominion which he visited more than once for the purpose. It is, we think, proposed that the scheme should be first circulated for opinion to several Indian leaders, that it should be revised in the light of the suggestions that they may make, that the revised scheme should be placed before a Convention of representatives of all political schools, and that, if the Convention agrees, a Dominion Status League may be formed for the sole, special purpose of bringing about the adoption of the scheme in place of the present Reforms scheme. Mr. Patel's argument is if the scheme is consistent with the Congress programme, it is superfluous; if it goes beyond it, it is mischievous; so in either case, it is useless. In the same breath, he says that the Congress is open to all schools of political thought and that all should join it and work within it. If Mr. Patel's attitude to the mere announcement that a scheme is in preparation to work out the details of full Dominion status, represents the position of the Congress, it is idle to insist, as he does, that it is open to all schools of political thought to work within it. It can only mean that the Congress, so far from being a broad national movement, is a narrow cult where the Khaddar cap, so easy to put on, counts for everything, and the Gandhi heart, so difficult to acquire, is nothing. No group of politicians can be allowed to acquire vested interests in a national movement. The result, it is plain to us is bound to be that the Congress will within the next year or two disintegrate into several small groups without any coherent purpose.

The full Congress programme formulated at Ahmedabad last December left a good deal to Mahatma Gandhi who, it was assumed, would be always available to infuse life and spirit into the dry bones of the several clauses. The most important parts of this programme have been rendered obsolete by the course of events but so long as they are not expressly repealed, it is open to any literalist in the Congress to point the finger of scorn at a fellow-Congressman who has children attending recognised schools where spinning is not a part of the curriculum, who has not given up the profession for which his training and talents are most suited, or whose Swadeshism includes mill made as well as hand-woven cloth. The Bardoli programme as amended at Delhi labours under the same disadvantage. It is not every one that can bend the bow of Ulysses and a programme which was safe and sure in the Mahatma's hands may not be so in less mighty ones. It is, therefore, necessary as a first step towards assuring those who are opposed to non-co-operation that there is a recognised place for them within the Congress, that the dead branches of the Ahmedabad programme should be lopped off and that the constructive parts of it should be so revised as to be sufficiently expressive in themselves now that unfortunately the Mahatma is not available for constant reference as to their precise meaning and purport. Constant repetition of the Mahatma's name does not make one an intelligent worker in the true spirit of the Mahatma. We strongly deprecate the tendency to represent the Congress as a semi-religious cult founded by the Mahatma from which the slightest departure should be expiated in political purgatory. This kind of thing is a positive hindrance in the way of awakening the masses to true political consciousness.

The most intelligent opinion the Congress and outside is agreed that full responsible government is the solution of our national problems. Mr. Patel says, let us have the promise first of full responsible government and then there will be no difficulty in drawing up a scheme. But that is not the right view to take about the matter. We should first show how and in what manner and in what period of time, the present system can be converted into a full responsible one with the least delay and dislocation. A definite scheme is also necessary to instruct the people as to their own duties and responsibilities under self government. The object of the proposal of a Dominion Status League outside the Congress and other political organisations, is to carry propaganda work both in the country and in Great Britain. Owing to the adoption of the policy of Non-Co-operation by the majority of Congressmen, the Congress is precluded from undertaking work which is essential to carry conviction to the British Government that the grant of full responsible government to India is prudent as well as practicable. Further there are many Liberals and others who are prepared to work for full responsible government but who are not prepared to join the Congress. The League, of one is started, will merely be the application of the principle of division of labour to political work.

The Congress as the oldest political movement in the country, rich in tradition, should not be allowed to fall to pieces. A strong effort should be made, in which all should join hands, to place the movement on a broad national footing. Mahatma Gandhi perceived this clearly and, since the Bardoli meeting, he has been most anxious to bring it about. If this is made impossible by the intolerance of those who find themselves in control of the Congress machinery of opinion in the country which believes as little in Non-Co-operation as in Diarchy for which India has had to pay dearly.

VANDE MATARAM

THE INDIAN BUDGET

The Council of State has passed, with a single dissentient, the Finance Bill which thrown out by the Legislative Assembly by the Nationalist Party. Even the Swarajist member, Mr. R. R. Karandikar of Satara voted for the Bill. The Right Hon. Srinivasa Sastri who was reported, in one of the messages to the Bombay Chronicle from its special correspondent at Delhi, to have instigated the Nationalists in the Assembly to throw out the Finance Bill, also supported the Bill on the ground that the stage had not arrived for seriously minded politicians to take the step taken by the Assembly. We do not know what the Swarajists propose to do now. It is inconceivable that Pandit Motilal Nehru had not considered beforehand the line of action to be taken in the circumstances. Mr. Vithalbhai Patel declare in the Assembly that the Party will have to appeal to the masses if Government did not comply with its demands, but, so far as we know, he is about the only politician of any note who has hopes in that direction. We venture to think that it is extremely ill-advised for a responsible public man to use such language unless he had made quite sure that it could be justified. The all but unanimous vote of the Council of State and the complete equanimity with which the country has taken its acceptance of the modified Finance Bill, show that Mr. Vithalbhai was speaking much in advance of public opinion. It may be possible by special effort to start an agitation against the Council of State, but the agitation in that case will not be the direct consequence of the rejection of the Budget by the Assembly. Mr. Patel's position in the Swaraj Party, however, has always been something of a puzzle, and we doubt if he will be able to continue in it. If we may make a suggestion to that Party, it will be somewhat as follows. The Swarajist Party, having demonstrated its strength, may now modify its programme in the Assembly and the Councils. A great deal, in our opinion, can be done by the Party to advance the constructive Programme through the legislature, and we hope it will now decide to take it up.

Source : The Indian Social Reformer - March 29, 1924

VANDE MATARAM

Indian Shipping

Cautious as Mr. Patel has been in all his utterances abroad where he went to study the functioning of various legislatures, he let himself go on the occasion of the launching of the new steamer, "Jalabala," of the Scindia Steam Navigation Company. After dwelling at length feelingly on the fact that one time India possessed first rate vessels, built, owned, manned and managed by Indians, he entered into an indictment of the tardy policy pursued by Government towards the Indian Mercantile marine, which has lod a disastrous effect on it. Mr. Patel observed : - "Whilst the Governments of almost all maritime countries have helped and are helping their nationals to build up their own mercantile marine, are not Indians entitled to expect their Government to help them in this great industry? No wonder, then, that there is a keen feeling of disappointment when they find even the most modest recommendations made by the Mercantile Marine Committee, appointed by the Government of India themselves, to keep open the coasting trade of India only to vessels owned and managed by the Indians, just as the coasting trade of most of the maritime countries is reserved to their own nationals, have not yet been carried out. I shall say nothing here of the large overseas trade of India, in which Indian shipping participated. The annual freight bill of the India Office comes to thirty five or forty million pounds, a very substantial portion of which is claimed by non Indian shipping companies. It is, therefore, a most legitimate and natural desire on the part of Indians to retain as much as possible of this great freight bill in their own country and thus help to lesson, to however small an extent, the poverty of their economic life." Mr. Patel paid a well-merited tribute to the grip and capacity of the Scindia Steam Navigation Company which is the only organisation of this kind that has managed to survive the keen competition of foreign vested interestes. 

VANDE MATARAM

Corruption - Its Cause and Cure

There was a full dress debate in the Constituent Assembly on its legislative capacity on the need for putting down corruption in the public services. It was admitted on all hands that corruption existed on a large scale and that must be checked. The Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel frankly acknowledged that there was corruption and that Government wish it to be eradicated. But he cautioned the Assembly against adopting remedies which will make the disease worse. The introduction of a system of espionage is such a measure. Forty percent of the nearly 1500 cases investigated were not prosecuted, and of those prosecuted, about forty percent resulted in conviction. It is not safe to say that all the cases not prosecuted, should not have been investigated or that the person in the cases convicted were the worst offenders. But the vice of the system is in creating uncertainty and anxiety in the minds of all men in the services, which is not conducive to honest and efficient discharge of duty. Besides, investigating staff itself may be open to corruption; for the moment, espionage may be the only course open to put down corruption or rather to remind corrupt officials of the risks to which they expose themselves. But permanent remedy it is certainly worse than corruption.

The only completely effective means of avoiding corruption is a high sense of personal honour and public duty among officials. The creation of such qualities is helped by payment to officials of salaries which put them above reasonable wants. Mere increase of emoluments will not bring about purity. It may only increase the amount paid as bribes. Even on low scales of pay officials in the German Reich were acknowledged to be as incorruptible as civil servants in Britain. The civil servants pay even in Britain is less than what an ambitious man can earn in grade or commerce or as a cinema star. Public servants must be free of the profit motive. At the same time, unduly low salaries promote corruption. Edmund Burke wisely observed that to demand heroic virtues from the mass of men, ends in corruption. Low salaries have to be compensated by allowances perquisites and other extras or officials are likely to use their power to eke out their income by corruption or extortion.

The debate mostly turned on the corruption of officials. But the distressing feature of the present situation is the minister themselves often fall under the imputation. The public at the moment are more concerned about ministerial corruption than the corruption of permanent officials. One reason for this is the absurdly low salaries paid to ministers. These have to be supplemented by allowances for house rent, motor cars, and frequent movements from place to place which have become ministerial disease where a letter or telegram would be suffice in the old order, it is now thought only a person visit often by air, would do. A consolidated salary of reasonable proportion, with no allowances, travelling or other, would be a good remedy. But a worse cause, is the selection of Ministers not for merit but for caste or community. Men who are chosen for high office because they belong to a class are seldom the best type of men in that class. These men feel themselves safe from criticism or dismissal because they can easily make out that they are the victims of the prejudice against their particular class, whether it actually exists or not. The minority representative, therefore, enjoys a certain amount of immunity in wrongdoing. Until we get rid of this vicious system of having to provide for classes and communities, we cannot ensure perfect incorruptibility. Above all the men and women who lead or ought to lead should set to example of real and not ostentatious simplicity in their own personal lives.

Corruption it should be added is of various kinds. Bribery by payment of cash is the crudest and most easily detected form. There are many more insidious kinds which ramify in so many directions that it is practically impossible to detect them. These are the most dangerous forms. Espionage is powerless except as a means of blackmail against them.

Source - Indian Social Reformer - 13th December 1947

VANDE MATARAM