PRESIDENT PATEL'S RESIGNATION

Mr. Vithalbhai J. Patel has resigned the Presidentship of the Legislative Assembly. Under the reformed constitution, the Assembly was to elect its own President from amongst its elected members after the lapse of the first four years when it had a President nominated by the Governor - General. Mr. Patel was the first President so elected. In a long letter to the Viceroy, he sets forth the difficulties against which he had to contend during his term of office, due to the open and veiled opposition of the official members. Mr. Patel's position was more analogous to that of the Speaker of the British House of Commons in the days when it was engaged in its long struggle to establish its influence against the Crown than that at the present day when it has been firmly established. The only difference was that in Mr. Patel's case it was not the Crown he had to contend against, as the Viceroy's support was consistently extended to him, but the officials who had accepted the Reforms without much enthusiasm and were not inclined to go out of their way to make them a success. Mr. Patel proved to be a strong President in maintaining the rights of the elected members of the Assembly, and if at times he seemed to strain his powers almost to the breaking point in withstanding what he suspected to be attempted cucroachments on them, this is no more than what great Speakers of the House of Commons have done in similar circumstances. At the last session, the President was obliged to place on record his considered opinion that the Assembly was deprived by the attitude adopted by Government of the opportunity of a free debate on the proposal for imposing a differential duty on cotton goods imported from countries other than Great Britain. Mr. Patel has been forced in view of these facts to the conclusion that he could serve the country better by resigning the Presidentship. With most of the leading men of the Congress party in jail, there is great need for other leaders to keep the non-violent movement within the strict bounds of its creed, and for that reason alone, if for no other, Mr. Patel's resumption of his freedom of action, is very opportune. 

Courtesy : - INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER MAY 3, 1930

MR. VALLABHBHAI'S ARREST - SARDAR PATEL

In our leading article last week, we did not think it relevant to discuss the legality or otherwise of the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel. The Satyagrahis court imprisonment and repression and it is immaterial from their point of view whether these, which are really essential conditions for their success, come legally or illegally. Perhaps, they would say that illegal imprisonment is better from their point of view than lega. The Leader, Allahabad, edited by an eminent Indian Liberal leader, Mr. C. Y. Chintamani, in two leading articles condemns the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai in severe terms. "We are clear and strong," it observes in its first article, "that the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai was a gross blunder which suited the campaigners far more than the guardians of law and order." In the second article written with further information, it uses even stronger language and insists that the obligation is greater on publicists, who do not approve of the Satyagraha campaign, to insist that the legal guardians of law and order do not themselves perpetrate illegalities, do not act in a discreditable spirit of petty vindictiveness and do their duty in a wise and becoming manner. It is, therefore, surprising to see some Liberal names among those who voted against Pandit Madan Mohan Malavia's motion i the Legislative Assembly to call attention to the action against Mr. Vallabhbhai. It is clear that unless Indian Liberals have a definite set of principles to which all members of the party are expected to adhere, they cannot claim to be a political party on the strength merely of being opposed to the National Congress. The history and principles of Indian Liberalism, as deducible from the practice of eminent leaders, from the subject of our leading article in this issue. 

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - March 22, 1930

President of Next Congress

Mahatma Gandhi having persisted in his refusal to accept the presidentship of the next session of the Indian National Congress, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who received the next largest number of votes from the Provincial Committees having likewise declined the responsibility, and new nominations not being permissible according to Congress rules, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was elected at the meeting of All India Congress Committee held at Lahore last week to the office. It was a case of more or less Hobson's choice with the Committee. The result has been received with enthusiasm by few and with frank misgivings by some organs of public opinion. Pandit Jawaharlal's own position is not an easy one. To the country at large he stands for independence of the British connection, but he is himself in the position of a captive balloon held down on one side by the pacific idealism of Mahatma Gandhi and on the other by the political realism of Pandit Motilal Nehru. The reasons given publicly by Mahatmaji are not necessarily all his reasons for insisting on the Junior Pandit's election this time to the Congress Presidentship. Politics, national as well as international, is now-a-days largely a matter of gestures, and Pandit Jawaharlal's presidentship is a gesture to the British Government. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru may be described as being the most moderate of extremists and Mahatma Gandhi has doubtless calculated the value of his co-operation in keeping the independence school within the bound of practical politics. On the whole, the choice is perhaps the best in the circumstances. 

Courtesy : INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER - October 5, 1929

MAHATMA GANDHI'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

Mahatma Gandhi begins his presidential address to the Belgaum National Congress with the statement that from September 1920 the Congress has been principally an institution for developing strength from within. "It has ceased to function by means of resolutions addressed to the Government for redress of grievances. It did so because it ceased to believe in the beneficial character of the existing system of Government. At the same time it was realised that the existence of the system depended upon the co-operation, whether conscious or unconscious, and, whether voluntary or forced, of the people. With the view therefore of mending or ending the system it was decided to try to begin withdrawing voluntary co-operation from the top." This was the genesis of the five-fold boycott, namely, of Government titles, law-courts, educational institutions, legislative bodies and foreign cloth. Mahatma Gandhi adds that though not a single boycott was anywhere near completion, every one of them had undoubtedly the effect of diminishing the prestige of the particular institution boycotted. This however, is only a negative result and it cannot be said that the object of " developing strength from within" has been advanced thereby, if, indeed, it has not developed some sort of weakness. But even this slight claim of Mahatmaji's is not supported by his own description on the next page of the state of the boycotts at the present time. "Whilst individuals hold firmly to their belief in non-co-operation," he says, "these boycotts cannot be worked as part of the National programme, unless the Congress is prepared to do without the classes directly affected. But I hold it to be just as impracticable to keep these classes out of the Congress as it would be now to keep the non-co-operators out." But "these classes" are themselves the non-co-operators who have given up the boycotts and among them are such leaders of Non-Co-operation as Mr. C. R. Das. Pandit Motilal Nehru, Mr. Gangadhar Rao Deshpande, Mr. Vithalbhai Patel, Mr. Srinivasa Iyengar, Mr. Prakasam and others. It is these leaders who have revolted against the Non-Co-operation programme. 

FIRST MUNICIPAL TAMIL SCHOOL IN BOMBAY (MUMBAI)

The Bombay Municipal Schools Committee of which Mr. V. J. Patel the new President of the Corporation, is the Chairman, deserve the Thanks of the South Indians of Bombay for having taken over the management of the Shri Ganesh Tamil School at Dharavi. In the Reformer of the 16th February, mention was made of the opening of a Night School by Mr. K. Natrajan for the South Indian backward communities residing in the neighbourhood of the tanneries at Dharavi where they are employed. It was found necessary to open a Day School for the children of the Tamil speaking tanners, and both these schools were being managed under the name of Sri Ganesh Tamil School by a Committee of which Mr. K. Natarajan, the Editor of this journal, was the Chairman and Mr. M. R. Jambunathan, an enthusiastic worker who had been for some months past interesting himself in the uplift of the South Indian Tanners, was the Secretary. At a meeting held on the 13th Instant to celebrate the Tamil New Year day, Mr. Natarajan in the course of his opening remarks, announced that the Municipal Schools Committee had resolved to comply with his representation to take charge of the School they were conducting and advised them to make the institution a success. There was a very large attendance on that day and the function. Which included playing on flute by Mr. M. R. Ananthakrishna Iyer, speeches by Messrs. M. R. Jambunathan and C. V. P. Shivam, distribution of sweets, Magic Lantern which was secured for the day through the courtesy f the Social Service League, music, singing of national songs etc.. was altogether a great success. The School was inspected by Mr. Kulkarni the Deputy Superintendent of Municipal Marathi Schools on Friday the 18th instant on which day the Municipal Schools Committee formally assumed charge of the institution. We are sure that under the management of the Municipal Schools Committee which will have the wholehearted co-operation of the members of the Sri Ganesh Schools Committee and others interested in the educational advance of the South Indian backward communities, the institution will have a successful career. 

Courtesy : The Indian Social Reformer - April 26, 1924

CONGRESS SITUATION IN GUJARAT

Praja Bandhu, Ahmedabad weekly,

Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel has been again appointed President of the Deskroi Taluka Samiti. At the last annual general meeting of the Daskroi Taluka Samiti held in the Premabhai Hall last Sunday he earnestly pressed for the appointment of some one else, but as none showed readiness to accept the post, he was unanimously asked to continue holding it. This is significant answer to those who were perpetually hounding him for the last three months. A local contemporary had opened its columns for his vilification, and till the last moment it had continued suggesting the appointment of better persons. But better persons were conspicuous by their absence, and the choice of the voters again fell on Mr. Vallabhbhai.

In fact there is no person abler and better fitted at present to lead Gujarat than Mr. Vallabhbhai. He is fearless in word and deed, but his fearlessness does not end in bravado. He takes a calmer view of the situation, and shapes his conduct accordingly. He realises that for the present the path of duty lies in silent, peaceful work among the masses. We are not yet prepared for offering civil disobedience. The inauguration of civil disobedience will bring in its train, as it has done in other Provinces, an awful reign of repression. The people will either resort to violence or will be cowed down. In either case the hands of our progress will be set back, and the forces of reaction will triumph.

Mahatma Gandhi saw all this from the outbreak at Chauri Chaura. He shuffled off his campaign of mass civil disobedience in Bardoli, and advised concentration on constructive work. Even at the time of his conviction and sentence to a long term of six years the one word that was on his lips was Khaddar. Khaddar will vitalise and unify India into a strong and united nation which no power on earth will keep under subjection. Mr. Vallabhbhai is but following the instructions of Mahatma Gandhi, and he has thereby incurred the wrath of some of his followers. He is organising the production and distribution of Khaddar without any speeches or demonstrations, and the people concluded that he is doing nothing.
Picketting is a kind of force to which Indians are not yet amenable. They see in it the violation of their natural rights, and they hesitate not to stop to the lowest means for opposing it. Wherever it has been used, it has aroused the bitterest feelings and has resulted in the worst forms of retaliatory measures. Mr. Vallabhbhai is not therefore wrong when he advises the giving up picketting and the reliance on personal example. The shining torch of personal example is more eloquent than picketting or preaching. If we improve ourselves the world cannot but be improved.

THE PUNJAB CONGRESS SITUATION - SARDAR PATEL

We have received a communique issued by the Punjab Congress Publicity Bureau-- this time, we are glad to say, in a fairly legible form. It is a review of the situation from the Congress point of view of the province during the week ending 30th June. The number of members of the Congress has again come up to 70000. The campaign against drink has been vigorously pressed forward. The sale of liquor in the whole province, we are told, has decreased considerably and habitual drinkers of intoxicants have become sober and temperate. This is indeed good news though it is attributed to "successful picketing." We are inclined to agree with the view expressed by Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel as to the unsuitableness of picketing in several parts of the country, but in the Punjab where the Araya Samaj the Sikh reform and other movements have prepared the way, the case may be different. We should have much liked some statistical data other than the number of picketers imprisoned, as to the fall in the sale of liquor and drunkenness. We are glad to see an attempt in this direction made as regards Khaddar 'Propaganda. As an instance of steady growth of production of tharka-made yarn and manufacture of Khaddar in Punjab villages, it is noted that "at Akalgarh, a village in Gujranwala, there are 617 charkhas in use daily and the outturn per day is one maund. There is a stock of 51 maunds yarn in the village at present and daring the last two months 18725 yards of khaddar have been made in 6o handlooms worked by 70 weavers." At the rate of a maund a day, 6o maunds of yarn would have been produced in two months, out of which 51 maunds remains In stock. Eighteen thousand yards of khaddar will, we fancy, require much more than 9 maunds of yarn, and where the weavers got the balance from is left to conjecture. Panchayats are said to be working satisfactorily in ll districts, but the best part of this communique is that referring to the abolition of untouchability. A grand dinner at which all castes and untouchables participated was attended by 1500 persons, including 100 ladies. The communique does not refer to the other important item of the Bardoli programme, namely, the promotions of brotherly feelings between all communities. Pandit Motilal Nehru speaking at Lahore last week stated that the Punjab witnesses before the Congress Enquiry Committee, which had just finished sitting at Lahore, deposed that Hindu Mahomedan relations in that province were not of the most harmonious kind, and he emphasised that Hindu-Mahomedan unity was a sine qua non of Swaraj. That definitely rules out the Punjab as regards fitness for civil disobedience. 

SCHEME OF SWARAJ

The Tribune, Lahore Daily, (Indipendent)

If we do want new body, and for our part we have said repeatedly that we do, it is because just at present the Congress is not fully representative of the country as a whole whether as regards the definiteness of its expressed ideal or as regards the methods on which it relies for the realisation of that ideal. Undoubtedly, as Mr. Patel pointed out, we all want the same thing, but that is a very different thing from saying that the country as a whole subscribes to the first ARticle of the Congress Creed as that Article is at present expressed. This in fact, is and has always been our strongest objection to the change in the Congress Creed. As regards methods the position is even worse, The liberals are totally opposed to non-co-operation, ad even the Independents do not believe that by itself and without vital modification it can lead the country to its goal within a measurable distance of time. It is just because this is so that we do want a new body, a body on which, as Pandit Malaviya said, all those who believe in the attainment of dominion self-government as the object of our political endeavour and in peaceful, legitimate and constitutional activity as the sole method by which that object is to be attained, should be represented. Such a body will, speaking broadly, carry out the idea of the Congress as of all other political bodies in the country, but for carrying it out, it will work along lines on which neither the present Congress nor any other body at present existing in the country can work, lines which will represent a synthesis of the cherished  and conflicting ideals and views of all sections of the party of self-government in the country. It will in other words present a common meeting ground for all these bodies for the formulation of a common programme, leaving each of the component units free to carry on its own work in its own way so long as neither the work nor the way is inconsistent with the general work and the general way of the country as a whole.

SOME ANCIENT HINDU INTERMARRIAGES

A correspondent writing in the Searchlight of Patna in support of Mr. Patel's bill to validate intermarriages among Hindus of all castes, gives a few striking instances of such marriages in ancient times when, he maintains, such unions were held valid and their issue regarded as legitimate. Rishi Vashishtha married one Akshamala, a woman of low caste. Roshi Mandapala married Shrangi, also a low caste woman. Rishi Jamadagni married Renuka, a Kshatriya princess and begot the illustrious Parasurama upon her. Rishi Vaishravana married one Kaikasi, the daughter of a Rakshasa name Sumali and begot upon her the celebrate Ravana, the King of Lanka, Kumbhakarana and Vibhishana. Rishi Goutama married the beautiful Ahalya who was a daughter of a Kshatriya king name Mudgala. Shatnanda, the family priest of King Janak was born out or this wedlock. King Dushyanta married Shakuntala, only a half Kshatriya girl begotten by the sage Vishvamitra upon Menaka, a nymph. King Bharata after whom India has been named Bharatvarsha, was the issue of this marriage. Lord Rama Chandra, married Sita, "a founding of unknown parentage, whom King Janaka had adopted as his daughter." The fact that she was the daughter of Earth or that she was born of a pitcher filled with the blood of Rishis, the correspondent holds, justifies him in holding that she had no caste at all. King Yayati, the famous King of the Lunar Dynasty, had two wives, namely, Devayani and Sharmistha, both of different castes from himself and as well as from each other. Devayani was a Brahmin and Sharmishtha was a Daitya by caste. Lord Shri Krishna was a descendant of this King Yayati through his Brahmin wife Devayani. King Shantanu, the common ancestor of the famous Kauravas and Pandavas, married Satyavati, the daughter of a fisherman and the progeny of this matrimony were held lawful successors to the throne of Hastinapur. The correspondent goes on to say:" Many will be amazed to hear that the foremost of the Hindu Rishis, namely, Vashista, Narada, Parasar, Vyasa and Baradvaja, whose work in Literature, Science, Art and Philosophy are still the object of wonder to foreigners, were born to parents as widely apart from each other in the scale of the Hindu Society as the two poles asunder. Vajra Such Upanishad (Vajrasuchyupanishad), attached to the Sama Veda, says that Vashishtha was the son of a woman of very low social position; Parasara, of a Chaandali; Narada, of a maidservant; Vyasa, the famous author of the Mahabharat, of a fisher-woman and Bhardwaja, a Shudri. As according to the Scriptures, the true criterion of a man's caste is his action and not his birth it matters very little to whatever castes his parents belong. But if we take birth as the criterion of a man's respectability, the most revered Rishis of the Hindus would be huried down to the lowest depth."

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - December 22, 1918 page 218