THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS

No apology is needed for reproducing in full in this issue of the Reformer the documents which have been published relating to the peace negotiations which ended last week. Apart from their immediate political interest which, of course, is considerable, the documents comprising the record are of intense human interest. The personalities concerned in this drama are these : the Viceroy and Mahatma Gandhi, as the principal protagonists, Mr. M.R. Jayakar and Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, as intermediaries, and Pandit Motilal Nehru and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, as secondary characters, Sarojini Naidu, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel, Mr. Jairamdas Daulatram and Dr. Sayed Mahmud are also in the picture Their opinions, no doubt, influenced the course of the discussion. Another figure which does not appear in the group but exerted much influence behind the scenes in the penultimate and final acts, is Mr. A. Rangaswami Aiyangar, the able and tactful Editor of the Hindu Newspaper.

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - September 13, 1930.

HAPPENINGS AT BARDOLI

The Times of India published the following regarding happenings in Bardoli in its issue of the 20th Instant : "Agriculturists in Bardoli Taluka, it is reported, are resorting to a "Hijrat" (wholesale migration) from their villages, many of them having already removed all their moveable property. Cultivators in the taluka, it will be remembered, had resolved not to pay land revenue until Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel gave them permission to do it. Any stringent measures by Government for the collection of Land revenue, the villagers stated, would be defied and rendered nugatory by the latter talking the bold step of migrating into the territories of the adjoining Indian States. Information has just reached here from Bardoli that the people residing in almost all the villages of the Taluka have resolved on a "Hijrat", true to their challenge to Government. It is further stated that the inhabitants of Sarbhon, Kadod, Wankaner and Valod have begun to evacuate their villages and migrate into other places, taking with them the remnants of their movable belongings. It is difficult to ascertain how many families have so far left their homes. Unless the cultivators vacale the villages in large numbers one can hardly determine if they have left their homes for good or only temporarily or it is merely a gesture. The villagers have taken this step, it is alleged, as the result of the activities of Mr. Ismail K. Desai, Deputy Superintendent of Police, who has been specially appointed for political offences." In its issue of the 23rd, the same paper publishes the following from its correspondent in Poona where the Government of Bombay now is : "The report of wholesale migration of the people of Bardoli into surrounding Indian States has not so far become known in Government circles in Poona, but it is well known that many of the people are removing all their valuables and even their household goods in order to avoid their attachment for non-payment of land revenue. The local authorities have been making such reports for sometime, and there is no doubt that such a move is in keeping with their avowed intention to defy all attempts to secure revenue from them before they are instructed by the Congress leaders to pay. It has also been reported that in one or two cases women and children have been removed, but it is generally considered very unlikely that the cultivators themselves should leave now and go to Indian States on the borders of Bardoli, such as Baroda, Rajpipla, Bansda and Dharampur, where they would not be very welcome, particularly in view of the fact that in a few weeks their crops will be ripe for harvest." A reliable gentleman in Bombay told us the other day that he was getting private information to the effect that the exodus is due to the villagers not trusting themselves to remain non-violent under the provocations to which they were exposed. Some of the Bombay representatives to the Round Table  Conference would do well to pay a flying visit to Bardoli to ascertain the actual truth before leaving India. 

MR. PATEL AND THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF THE ASSEMBLY

We are somewhat surprised to learn on very good authority that Mr. V. J. Patel is a candidate for the post of President of the Legislative Assembly. The election takes place, we think, next August when the Assembly will meet for the autumn session at Simla. But already very active canvassing is said to be going on. The post carries with it a monthly honorarium of rupees four thousand and from the pecuniary point of view it is certainly something to tempt even very capable men. But at the same time, acceptance of this position will mean the death of the political life of the Honourable member who may be induced to do so. Mr. Patel is one of the stalwarts of the Swarajya Party. He is about the most uncompromising opponent of the present system of administration in this country. He has been the most outspoken advocate of mass civil disobedience through which he believes India will achieve her political emancipation without striking a single blow or shedding one drop of blood. For such a man to seek the presidential chair of the Assembly means political suicide for himself and an irreparable loss of driving force to the Party of which he is one of the most prominent leaders. Yet we hear that even his own Party is ready to vote him into this place. Perhaps the motive here is to get this inconvenient partisan out of the way. For it is notorious that Mr. Patel made Pandit Motilal's position anything but pleasant during the passage of the Tariff Act last summer. Be that however as it may, this readiness on the part of so strong a Swarajist to accept office, though it may be an elective one, does not indicate a healthy tendency in the Swarajist Party. No one who wants to fight for Swaraj can afford just now to bury himself in the presidential chair of the legislature. If Mr. Patel be really elected the Assembly will certainly be the poorer for the loss of his fighting speeches and his unconscious humour.

Courtesy : Indian Opinion - June 12th, 1925

PEACE CONVERSATIONS

On Sunday night Pandit Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr. Mahomed who was arrested and convicted with them, were taken by special train from Allahabad Central Jail and brought to Yerravada Jail where Mahatma Gandhi is interned. Mahatmaji, they and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who is also serving his sentence in Yerravada, had a preliminary conference on Tuesday after which Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and Mr. Jayakar joined them. The conference was continued on Wednesday and Thursday and is to be renewed on Friday when this is written. That it has not been broken off, is a good sign. The method of carrying on negotiations in jail has serious disadvantages, the worst of which is that the principals in jail must accept what they are told of the state of things outside and cannot teat their information at first hand. If for instance Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Motilal want to know how their movement is faring in Andhra, they cannot question and Andhra leader like Mr. Jogiah who was quite recently in Bombay. In the Pandit's own province it appears that even among very sympathetic observers there is a feeling that things are being pushed almost to the verge of non-violence. Leadership everywhere has passed into the hands of people with more enthusiasm than knowledge and the few experienced people outside jails find it experdiert to conceal their real opinions and shout with the largest crowd. It is to the credit of the young enthusiasts that they are keeping up the movement bravely, and it is not their fault that it tends to become a monotonous series of processions and public meetings. On the other hand, the officials are doing much what they please, especially in the districts. The ridiculous order against Gandhi caps by a magistrate in Andhra, has been set aside, as being likely to provoke the very evils which it was its professed object to avoid, by the Madras High Court, after it had been in force and scores of persons had suffered by its enforcement for several days. The country cannot be allowed to drift as, we are afraid, it is doing, on the offchance of its being washed ashore some delectable region.

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer August 16, 1930

PRESIDENT PATEL'S RESIGNATION

Mr. Vithalbhai J. Patel has resigned the Presidentship of the Legislative Assembly. Under the reformed constitution, the Assembly was to elect its own President from amongst its elected members after the lapse of the first four years when it had a President nominated by the Governor - General. Mr. Patel was the first President so elected. In a long letter to the Viceroy, he sets forth the difficulties against which he had to contend during his term of office, due to the open and veiled opposition of the official members. Mr. Patel's position was more analogous to that of the Speaker of the British House of Commons in the days when it was engaged in its long struggle to establish its influence against the Crown than that at the present day when it has been firmly established. The only difference was that in Mr. Patel's case it was not the Crown he had to contend against, as the Viceroy's support was consistently extended to him, but the officials who had accepted the Reforms without much enthusiasm and were not inclined to go out of their way to make them a success. Mr. Patel proved to be a strong President in maintaining the rights of the elected members of the Assembly, and if at times he seemed to strain his powers almost to the breaking point in withstanding what he suspected to be attempted cucroachments on them, this is no more than what great Speakers of the House of Commons have done in similar circumstances. At the last session, the President was obliged to place on record his considered opinion that the Assembly was deprived by the attitude adopted by Government of the opportunity of a free debate on the proposal for imposing a differential duty on cotton goods imported from countries other than Great Britain. Mr. Patel has been forced in view of these facts to the conclusion that he could serve the country better by resigning the Presidentship. With most of the leading men of the Congress party in jail, there is great need for other leaders to keep the non-violent movement within the strict bounds of its creed, and for that reason alone, if for no other, Mr. Patel's resumption of his freedom of action, is very opportune. 

Courtesy : - INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER MAY 3, 1930

MR. VALLABHBHAI'S ARREST - SARDAR PATEL

In our leading article last week, we did not think it relevant to discuss the legality or otherwise of the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel. The Satyagrahis court imprisonment and repression and it is immaterial from their point of view whether these, which are really essential conditions for their success, come legally or illegally. Perhaps, they would say that illegal imprisonment is better from their point of view than lega. The Leader, Allahabad, edited by an eminent Indian Liberal leader, Mr. C. Y. Chintamani, in two leading articles condemns the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai in severe terms. "We are clear and strong," it observes in its first article, "that the action taken against Mr. Vallabhbhai was a gross blunder which suited the campaigners far more than the guardians of law and order." In the second article written with further information, it uses even stronger language and insists that the obligation is greater on publicists, who do not approve of the Satyagraha campaign, to insist that the legal guardians of law and order do not themselves perpetrate illegalities, do not act in a discreditable spirit of petty vindictiveness and do their duty in a wise and becoming manner. It is, therefore, surprising to see some Liberal names among those who voted against Pandit Madan Mohan Malavia's motion i the Legislative Assembly to call attention to the action against Mr. Vallabhbhai. It is clear that unless Indian Liberals have a definite set of principles to which all members of the party are expected to adhere, they cannot claim to be a political party on the strength merely of being opposed to the National Congress. The history and principles of Indian Liberalism, as deducible from the practice of eminent leaders, from the subject of our leading article in this issue. 

Courtesy : Indian Social Reformer - March 22, 1930

President of Next Congress

Mahatma Gandhi having persisted in his refusal to accept the presidentship of the next session of the Indian National Congress, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel who received the next largest number of votes from the Provincial Committees having likewise declined the responsibility, and new nominations not being permissible according to Congress rules, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was elected at the meeting of All India Congress Committee held at Lahore last week to the office. It was a case of more or less Hobson's choice with the Committee. The result has been received with enthusiasm by few and with frank misgivings by some organs of public opinion. Pandit Jawaharlal's own position is not an easy one. To the country at large he stands for independence of the British connection, but he is himself in the position of a captive balloon held down on one side by the pacific idealism of Mahatma Gandhi and on the other by the political realism of Pandit Motilal Nehru. The reasons given publicly by Mahatmaji are not necessarily all his reasons for insisting on the Junior Pandit's election this time to the Congress Presidentship. Politics, national as well as international, is now-a-days largely a matter of gestures, and Pandit Jawaharlal's presidentship is a gesture to the British Government. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru may be described as being the most moderate of extremists and Mahatma Gandhi has doubtless calculated the value of his co-operation in keeping the independence school within the bound of practical politics. On the whole, the choice is perhaps the best in the circumstances. 

Courtesy : INDIAN SOCIAL REFORMER - October 5, 1929

MAHATMA GANDHI'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

Mahatma Gandhi begins his presidential address to the Belgaum National Congress with the statement that from September 1920 the Congress has been principally an institution for developing strength from within. "It has ceased to function by means of resolutions addressed to the Government for redress of grievances. It did so because it ceased to believe in the beneficial character of the existing system of Government. At the same time it was realised that the existence of the system depended upon the co-operation, whether conscious or unconscious, and, whether voluntary or forced, of the people. With the view therefore of mending or ending the system it was decided to try to begin withdrawing voluntary co-operation from the top." This was the genesis of the five-fold boycott, namely, of Government titles, law-courts, educational institutions, legislative bodies and foreign cloth. Mahatma Gandhi adds that though not a single boycott was anywhere near completion, every one of them had undoubtedly the effect of diminishing the prestige of the particular institution boycotted. This however, is only a negative result and it cannot be said that the object of " developing strength from within" has been advanced thereby, if, indeed, it has not developed some sort of weakness. But even this slight claim of Mahatmaji's is not supported by his own description on the next page of the state of the boycotts at the present time. "Whilst individuals hold firmly to their belief in non-co-operation," he says, "these boycotts cannot be worked as part of the National programme, unless the Congress is prepared to do without the classes directly affected. But I hold it to be just as impracticable to keep these classes out of the Congress as it would be now to keep the non-co-operators out." But "these classes" are themselves the non-co-operators who have given up the boycotts and among them are such leaders of Non-Co-operation as Mr. C. R. Das. Pandit Motilal Nehru, Mr. Gangadhar Rao Deshpande, Mr. Vithalbhai Patel, Mr. Srinivasa Iyengar, Mr. Prakasam and others. It is these leaders who have revolted against the Non-Co-operation programme. 

FIRST MUNICIPAL TAMIL SCHOOL IN BOMBAY (MUMBAI)

The Bombay Municipal Schools Committee of which Mr. V. J. Patel the new President of the Corporation, is the Chairman, deserve the Thanks of the South Indians of Bombay for having taken over the management of the Shri Ganesh Tamil School at Dharavi. In the Reformer of the 16th February, mention was made of the opening of a Night School by Mr. K. Natrajan for the South Indian backward communities residing in the neighbourhood of the tanneries at Dharavi where they are employed. It was found necessary to open a Day School for the children of the Tamil speaking tanners, and both these schools were being managed under the name of Sri Ganesh Tamil School by a Committee of which Mr. K. Natarajan, the Editor of this journal, was the Chairman and Mr. M. R. Jambunathan, an enthusiastic worker who had been for some months past interesting himself in the uplift of the South Indian Tanners, was the Secretary. At a meeting held on the 13th Instant to celebrate the Tamil New Year day, Mr. Natarajan in the course of his opening remarks, announced that the Municipal Schools Committee had resolved to comply with his representation to take charge of the School they were conducting and advised them to make the institution a success. There was a very large attendance on that day and the function. Which included playing on flute by Mr. M. R. Ananthakrishna Iyer, speeches by Messrs. M. R. Jambunathan and C. V. P. Shivam, distribution of sweets, Magic Lantern which was secured for the day through the courtesy f the Social Service League, music, singing of national songs etc.. was altogether a great success. The School was inspected by Mr. Kulkarni the Deputy Superintendent of Municipal Marathi Schools on Friday the 18th instant on which day the Municipal Schools Committee formally assumed charge of the institution. We are sure that under the management of the Municipal Schools Committee which will have the wholehearted co-operation of the members of the Sri Ganesh Schools Committee and others interested in the educational advance of the South Indian backward communities, the institution will have a successful career. 

Courtesy : The Indian Social Reformer - April 26, 1924