હતા સરદાર 

The Ministry in Bombay : B. G. Kher to Vallabhbhai Patel

I have had discussion with my colleagues as to the subject which you referred into in your letters dated. 3rd April 1939.

No ultimatum was given by the Bombay Ministry to the Governor, or indication to the grave implications of the situation arising out of Mahatmaji’s fast. But it pointed out to him the state of tension in the country. I think we should have failed in our duty if we had not done so and pointed out the necessity of prompt action to save Gandhiji’s life. No communication whatsoever was sent to the Government of India.

It is not necessary for me to state what I and our Cabinet might have done if the Government of India had not interfered in the matter of Gandhiji’s fast. No doubt the situation that event would have been serious, and before resigning it might have become necessary to make a reference either to the Parliamentary Sub-Committee, or to the Working Committee or the President. I would like to tell you frankly that I do not think that I have done anything which I should not have been done. In matters relating to rural administration, we have to take prompt decisions and so long as we act in consonance with the principles of our party, neither the President nor the Working Committee nor the Parliamentary Sub-Committee should desire to interfere. I am perfectly certain that your decisions would have been the same as ours.

I wish to assure you that there was no intention either deliberately or otherwise to ignore you. No information was sent because there was nothing to send information about. I had discussed this matter with His Excellency they Governor. The press reports, as you know, very often attribute such steps to the Ministry as the press desire them to take and put on scare headlines. I think the best course is to trust the several Ministries and not the press. I am sure you will at once believe me when I say that I am incapable of indiscipline, it is ingrained in the whole of my being. I have not acted contrary to the needs either of duty or of discipline.

I think the Khare episode has no application at all to this occasion. I have given you my reaction to your letter frankly as you desired me to do so.

As regards your circular letter dated 3 April, without going into the merits of the allegations that several ministers canvassed, my colleagues and I are of the view that Congressmen, by accepting office do not cease to be Congressmen and, in the domestic affairs of the Congress, are entitled to act exactly as other members of the organisation in all matters connected with it.

We do not also subscribe to the view that the Ministers are like the members of a civil service in an administration. They are non-political agents of a policy laid down by politicians who form the Government. That view would deny to the Ministers the rights of a four anna member and would be destructive of the confidence which the Ministers enjoy by reason of their being called upon to perform the arduous and responsible duties of their office. Ref. Towards Freedom - 1939 Pg. 78

Gandhiji’s Letter to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

Date : 7th December 1933

                I shall keep writing to Ba. Going to prison this time was not easy for her, but God will look after her. showed me your letter. But the fault is not his. As a matter of fact he tries unceasingly to protect me. He does not let troublesome people come to me at all in the first place. His disposes of so many himself, but some have to be brought to me. There is constant improvement in dealing with visitors as a result of experience. But do not worry about it. His will be done.

                Kishorlal has fallen ill in Bombay. He is somewhat better now. Do write to inquire about his healthy.

                Dr. Jivraj Mehta is also considerable pulled down. He is in Rugby hotel, Matheran.

                Mathuradas came along with others and is still with me and will go with me up to Delhi. He is also much reduced and has backache. He cannot move around much, but he will get stronger if he takes some rest.

                The Working Committee meeting can only be described as a mere talking session.

                What should I say about Jamnalalji? He has put on weight and is generally better, but his car is as troublesome to him as your nose to you. I am glad to see that you propose to practice neti but who is there to teach it to you? I can be regarded as an expert in it. Could you not call me in as a specialist? Inexpert use of neti often results in slight bleeding. A twig or straw is often used at first, but you should never try it. A strip of fine cloth should suffice. There is no difficulty if you do it slowly. Krishnadas, Mahadev and Devadas all learned it from me. Janakibehn had come with Jamnalalji. Both left at night.

                Chandrashankar is doing good work. Kaka and Swami have gone to Matheran for a few days.

                I reach Delhi on the Roth.

Ref. :  Letters to Sardar Patel Pg. 29

Vallabhbhai Patel on Congress Plan of Action in Congress Majority Provinces

AICC Papers, F. No. 1(a)/1936-37, 5th May1937

Dear Friend,

                As the policy of the Government in the various Provinces, in which the Congress commands a majority, is now definitely fixed, it is necessary for us now to start our plan of action. In all these provinces ‘bogus’ Ministers which have been styled as Interim Ministries have been formed. The ostensible object is to allow some time, for a reconsideration of the situation created by the refusal of the Congress Party to form Ministries consequent upon the Anglo-Indian Press which with one voice welcomed our Delhi formula, have suddenly changed their front with remarkable rapidity and unanimity. Some of them now have started appealing to the Congress leaders for reconsideration of their attitude. It is the usual way of preparing ground for throwing blame on the Congress for the break-down when they see that the Government have made up their mind the other way. The Congress has nothing to reconsider. It keeps no secrets and its policy has been open and above board. It is also unlikely, that the Government will now reconsider its position, as from the uniform nature of the answers given by the different Governors it appears, that their policy has been dictated from the Whitehall. Under the circumstances there are two alternatives left. (1) The Governor suspending the Constitution by a proclamation and taking over all the responsibility of administration on himself at the end of six months. (2) Before the expiry of the period of six months the Legislatures may be called, when the Ministry is bound to go, unless in the meantime, these Ministries succeed in reducing the strength of the Congress Party, so as to make their position stable. The first course is most unlikely. It is also highly unlikely that the ministry will succeed in any Province in breaking the Congress strength to any appreciable extent, if at all. On the contrary, in all probability, the other groups and individuals will join the Congress party in removing those unwanted ministries at the very first opportunity. It is more than probable that the first meeting of the Legislatures will be called in July or latest in August, and it is certain that when these ministries are faced with their respective Assemblies, they will have to go. The Legislatures then in all probability I will be dissolved and a fresh struggle of the elections will follow as a matter of course.

                Under these circumstances, the Congress Party in the various assemblies should from now organise its campaign to meet the situation that is likely to arise. I suggest, that a representation explaining a vote of no-confidence in these ministries should be organised in all Provinces and submitted forthwith to the Governors concerned. Signatures on such representation should secured from all groups and individuals, who are ready to join in such a vote of no-confidence, in addition to the signatures of all members of the Congress Party. No time should be lost in organising such a representation. It should then be published in the press also. This representation should contain a demand for immediate summoning of the Assembly.

Provincial Conventions of Congress members in the Legislatures may be organised and there also resolutions expressing a vote of no-confidence and a demand for calling a meeting of the Assembly should be passed and a programme of work for immediately educating the constituencies from which these members have been elected should be drawn up. Intensive campaign should be carried on all over the Province. The voters should be informed of the possible consequences of the present situation and of the possibility of a fresh election in the near future, so that when the time comes they may be prepared to return the Congress in a greater majority. The Congress organisation should be strengthened and the Congress machinery should be perfected during this interval for a swift and successful election struggle, which is bound to come much sooner than is expected. It must be remembered that when the next election comes there will be very short notice and we must keep our machinery in order from now.

Yours Sincerely,

Vallabhbhai Patel - Chairman

Unity Ekta | Quotes by Sardar Patel

Unity : - There are some young men who believe that in this country there should be Hindu Raj and that Hindu culture alone has a place in India. Gandhiji was fighting against that mad idea. He said our salvation depended on unity.

एकता : - ऐसे कुछ युवा पुरुष हैं जो मानते हैं कि इस देश में हिंदू राज होना चाहिए और भारत में अकेले हिंदू संस्कृति का स्थान होना चाहिए। गांधीजी उस पागल विचार के खिलाफ लड़ रहे थे। उन्होंने कहा कि हमारा उद्धार एकता पर निर्भर था।

(दि. : २६ फरवरी १९४६, बेंगलोरेमे कोंग्रेस के कार्यकरो की सभा के दौरान)

 

એકતા : - એવા કેટલાક યુવાન પુરુષો છે જેઓ માને છે કે આ દેશમાં હિન્દુ રાજ હોવું જોઈએ અને હિન્દુ સંસ્કૃતિમાં એકલા ભારતમાં સ્થાન હોવું જોઈએ. ગાંધીજી તે પાગલ વિચાર સામે લડતા હતા. તેમણે કહ્યું કે આપણો મોક્ષ એકતા પર આધારિત છે.

(તા : ૨૬ ફેબ્રુઆરી ૧૯૪૬, બેંગલોરમાં કોંગ્રેસના કાર્યકર્તાઓની સભા દરમ્યાન)

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Vallabhbhai Patel on Importance of Faizpur Session

“The Maharashtra Provincial Congress had to work against heavy odds, both nature and some anti-Congress elements in that province putting obstacles in their way, but Faizpur was a tremendous success of the first experiment of the village Congress, and all those who scoffed have been effectively silenced” said Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Chairman of the Parliamentary Board, in an interview (1st January 1937), summing up his impression of the Faizpur session.

“Its effect in rural areas in Maharashtra will last for years-- millions of villages have taken active interest in the great national organisation which they had worshiped in the past from a distance and for whose cause they had made tremendous sacrifices. Maharashtra has reasons to be proud of the splendid organising capacity disclosed during the Congress week by a number of willing workers, both men and women, which is an eye opener. That Maharashtra is thoroughly Congress minded has been effectively demonstrated, and I have no doubt that the successful demonstration will be repeated at the polls in February on the polling day.”

Problems after Independence

ભારત જ્યારે સ્વતંત્ર થયુ ત્યારે ખરા અર્થમાં તો બ્રિટિશ હકુમતોના પ્રદેશો સ્વતંત્ર બન્યા હતા. ભારતના વિભાજન તથા ૧૫ ઓગસ્ટ ૧૯૪૭ના દિવસે બ્રિટિશ શાસનમાંથી મુક્તિની મોહર માઉંટબેટને ૩ જુન ૧૯૪૭ના રોજ જાહેર થતાં કરેલ.

મહાત્મા ગાંધી, સરદાર વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ, પંડિત જવાહરલાલ નહેરુ અને તે સમયના કોંગ્રેસના પ્રમુખ આચાર્ય જે. બી. કૃપલાણી અને બંધારણ સભાના પ્રમુખ ડો. રાજેંદ્ર પ્રસાદ ભારતના પ્રતિનીધીઓ હતા. સ્વતંત્રતાનો ખરડો જ્યારે જાહેર થયો ત્યારે જ સૌને એક મોટો ઝટકો લાગ્યો અને બ્રિટીશ સરકારે જે રીતે આ ખરડો તૈયાર કરેલ તે મુજબતો ભારત ટુકડાઓમાં વહેચાઈ જાય. આ ખરડા મુજબ બ્રિટિશ પાર્લામેંટૅ બ્રિટીશ તાજે લડાઈ કે કુટનીતી ધ્વારા રજવાડા ઉપર સર્વોપરિત્વ મેળવ્યુ હતુ. અને જ્યારે ભારતને સ્વતંત્રતા આપવાનો સમય આવ્યો ત્યારે રજવાડાના રાજાઓને બ્રિટિશ તાજની વફાદારીના બદલામાં મુક્તિ તથા સર્વભૌમત્વ આપવાનો ઉલ્લેખ હતો.

ભારતને આ રાજ્યો સામે ઘણી મુશ્કેલીઓનો સામનો કરવો પડે તેવી શક્યતાઓ તથા આ ખરડા મુજબ ભારત ટુકડાઓમાં વહેચાઈ જાય તેવી યોજના વ્યવસ્થિત રીતે ગોઠવીને રજુ કરેલ હતી. ૧૯૩૫માં ગવર્ન્મેંટ ઓફ ઈંડીયા એક્ટ પસાર થયો. ભારતમાં ૫૫૯ રજવાડા હતા જેમા આશરે ૧૧૮ રજવાડાઓને ૨૧ થી ૯ તોપોની સલામી મેળવવાનું સન્માન ધરાવતા હતા. જેમા હૈદરાબાદ પણ એક હતુ જેનો ૮૨૬૮૯ ચો. માઈલ નો વિસ્તાર હતો. અને ફક્ત ૪૯ ચો. માઈલ ધરાવતું સચીન રાજ્ય પણ હતુ. તોપોની સલામી વિનાના ૪૪૧ નાના મોટા રાજ્યોમાં ૨૩૧ રાજ્યો મુંબઈ પ્રાંતમાં હતા અને લગભગ ૧૮૯ રાજ્યો ઉત્તર ગુજરાત અને કાઠીયાવાડ / સૌરાષ્ટ્રમાં હતા. બાકીના ૧૨૧ રાજ્યો મધ્યપ્રાંત, મધ્ય ભારત, બિહાર, અને ઓરિસ્સામાં હતા.

રજવાડાઓ સિવાય પશ્ચિમ ભારતમાં અસંખ્ય જાગીરદારો પણ હતા. વડોદરા, ગ્વાલિયર, હૈદરાબાદ, કાશ્મીર, મૈસુર, અને સિક્કીમ ભારત સરકાર સાથે રેસીડંટ દ્વારા સીધા સંબંધમાં હતા. સર્વોપરીતાના સિધ્ધાંત મુજબ બ્રિટીશ તાજના પ્રતિનિધી તરીકે વાઈસરોયની આ બધા રાજ્યો ઉપર અબાધિત સત્તા હતી. બ્રિટિશ તાજની સર્વોપરિતાનો અંત આવે એટલે તેની સાથે સાથે રજવાડાઓને બાકીના ભારત સાથે કોઈ બંધારણીય કે કાયદેસરનો સંબંધ ન રહે, તે બધા રાજ્યો સર્વભૌમ રાજ્યો બને.આ રાજ્યોમાં થોડા વારસાગત કુટુંબો દ્વારા શાસિત હતા. ત્રાવણકોર સિવાય ગુહિલપુત્રો અથવા ઘેલોતોનું કુટુંબ મુખ્ય હતું. આ કુટુંબમાંથી જ પ્રતાપગઢ, વાંસવાડા, અને ડુંગરપુરના રાજાઓ આવ્યા હતા. ગુહિલપુત્રો બાપ્પા રાવળના વંશજો હતા અને ગુપ્ત સામ્રાજ્યના વિસર્જન પછી મેવાડને પોતાનું રાજ્ય  બનાવ્યુ. પોતાના રાજ્ય માટે સૈકાઓ સુધી  લડવાનું સન્માન આ બહાદુર ગુહિલપુત્રોને જાય છે. મહારાણા પ્રતાપ પણ આજ કુટુંબના વંશજ હતા.

આર્યવ્રતના મહારાજાધિરાજ તરીકે કન્નોજમાંથી રાજ્ય કરતા પ્રતિહાર ગોત્રના ગુર્જરોના સેનાપતિઓ તરીકે નવમી અને દસમી સદીમાં કામ કરનારાઓએ જયપુર, જોધપુર, જેસલમેર, સિરોહી, બુંદી, કરૌલી, અલ્વર, બિકાનેર, જેવા રાજ્યો સ્થપાયા. આ રાજ્યકર્તાઓ સાથે મળીને સૈકાઓ સુધી તુર્કીઓ, અફઘાનો, અને મોગલોનો સામનો કર્યો હતો. તેઓના વંશ પરંપરાગત ધર્મનું રક્ષણ કરતા અને ટકી રહ્યા હતા.

આ બધા જ રજવાડાઓને એકત્રિત કરવાનું કાર્ય કોઈ કાચાપોચા હ્રદયના વ્યક્તિ માટે તો શક્ય જ નથી. ભારતના ટુકડાઓ થતા અટકાવવા માટે જ કદાચ સરદાર પટેલનો જન્મ થયો હતો. આ કાર્ય એ સમયના કોઈ વ્યક્તિ દ્વારા થઈ ન શકત એવુ મારુ માનવું છે.

Gandhiji's Letter to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel